-Caveat Lector-
Lines of Credit: Ropes of Bondage
by Robert Henry
Goldsborough
Chapter Six
WORLD COMMUNISM AND THE MONEY CONNECTION
In 1921, banker Jacob H. Rubin, president of Rubin Brothers located at West
34th Street in New York City, admitted with remarkable candor to the House
Committee on Foreign Affairs, "I had been with the American Red Cross people
at Odessa. I was there when the Red Army took possession of Odessa. At that
time I was favorably inclined toward the Soviet government, because I was a
socialist and had been a member of that party for 20 years. I must admit
that to a certain extent I helped to form the Soviet government of Odessa .
. . Rubin had a close working association with the New York based Provident
Loan Society. In WALL STREET AND THE BOLSHEVIK REVOLUTION, Antony C. Sutton
explains that Provident's trustees included persons "having [a] connection
with the Bolshevik Revolution: P. [Percy] A. Rockefeller, Mortimer L.
Schiff, and James Speyer."
Percy Rockefeller was one of the directors of the American International
Corporation, as was Otto H. Kahn. Kahn and Mortimer Schiff, together with
Jacob Schiff and Felix Warburg, were managing partners of Kuhn, Loeb &
Company. A State Department document (Decimal File 861.00/5339) dated
November 13, 1918 names the following as persons engaged in supporting the
Bolshevik revolution: Jacob Schiff, Felix Warburg, Otto H. Kahn, Mortimer L.
Schiff, and Jerome J. Hanauer. Kuhn, Loeb and Company, itself, was also
named in the document. In the 1970s, Jacob Schiff's son readily admitted to
syndicated columnist Cholly Knickerhoker that his father had given a large
sum of money to help finance the Bolshevik revolution.
On December 30, 1924, the financial titan and capitalist extraordinaire Otto
Kahn, in a speech to the radically left-wing League for Industrial
Democracy, offered the socialist revolutionaries a friendly hand and shared
goals. "What you radicals and we who hold opposing views differ about is not
so much the end as the means, not so much what should be brought about as
how it should, and can, be brought about . . ." The Rev. Denis Fahey, in THE
RULERS OF RUSSIA, wrote about the continuing political love affair between
capitalist Otto Kahn and the anti-capitalist Soviet government and revealed
that during Stalin's reign, long after the 1917 revolution, Otto Kahn
enjoyed a relationship with the Soviet empire which should have raised
questions as to where his loyalties lay. FIGARO, the highly regarded
Parisian magazine, reported in April 1932 that in June of the previous year,
Mrs. Otto Kahn visited the USSR, "where she was oflicially received by the
Soviet government, which gave in her honor a grand diplomatic dinner and
several brilliant receptions . . . The Red Army lined the roads at the
present of arms . . . It was the least that the head of the 'proletarian
dictatorship' could do in order to honour the wife of one of their
sovereigns."
Kahn, Schiff and Warburg were recognized not only as financial giants of
their day, but also as three of the wealthiest and most powerful men in
America. In addition, they were known to be close to "Colonel" Edward M.
House, Woodrow Wilson's confidant and alter ego. House who espoused
communist sentiments for America's future, used Wilson's presidency as a
launching pad for the League of Nations and a socialist world government. In
WOODROW WILSON: DISCIPLE OF REVOLUTION, Jennings C. Wise revealed that
Wilson willingly played his part in the conspiracy, "Historians must never
forget that Woodrow Wilson, despite the efforts of the British police, made
it possible for [the Russian revolutionary] Leon Trotsky to enter Russia
with an American passport."
There were other wealthy Americans in addition to the Kahns, Warburgs,
Rockefellers, and Schiffs who were actively supporting the Bolshevik
revolution. One of the more arrogant promoters of the atheistic revolt in
Russia was William B. Thompson who served on the board of the powerful
Federal Reserve Bank of New York (coincidentally, Paul Warburg, Felix's
brother was the first [vice] chairman of the Federal Reserve System). While
Thompson was leading a Red Cross Mission to Russia which he had funded
heavily, the WASHINGTON POST of Feb. 2, 1918 reported that he had "made a
personal contribution of $1,000,000 to the Bolsheviki for the purpose of
spreading their doctrine in Germany and Austria." The POST continued, "He
believes that the Bolsheviki constitute the greatest power against
Pro-Germanism in Russia and their [Marxist] propaganda has been undermining
the militarist regimes of the General Empires. Mr. Thompson deprecates
American criticism of the Bosheviki. He believes they have been
misrepresented and has made financial contribution to the cause in the
belief that it will be money well spent for the future of Russia as well as
for the Allied cause." Thompson's actions raise the serious question of why
an American citizen, an influential director of the powerful Federal Reserve
Bank of New York, would donate 1 million dollars (roughly equivalent to 20
million today) to communist revolutionaries in order to promote a world-wide
revolutionary movement whose goal is the destruction of Western Christian
civilization. The question is all the more serious if Antony Sutton is
correct when he states, "Without the financial and, more important, the
diplomatic propaganda assistance given to Trotsky and Lenin by Thompson,
Robins and their New York associates, the Bolsheviks may well have withered
away and Russia evolved into a socialist constitutional society."
Biographer Herman Hagedorn in THE MAGNATE, WILLIAM BOYCE THOMPSON AND HIS
TIMES, reproduced a photo of a December 8, 1917 telegram from J.P. Morgan in
New York addressed to W. B. Thompson, care of American Red Cross Hotel
Europe, Petrograd. The Morgan cable said, "Your cable received, We have paid
National City Bank one million dollars as instructed -- Morgan." By this
time the Bolsheviks had nationalized all Russian banks -- foreign and
domestic with one exception -- the National City Bank (NCB) branch in
Petrograd. In 1917, Percy and William Rockefeller were members of NCB's
board of directors -- it was part of the Rockefeller family's financial
empire. The Chase Manhattan Bank, formerly the Chase National Bank, and is
still part of the Rockefeller family empire -- David Rockefeller is the
retired chairman of the Chase. In RED CARPET, Joseph Finder wrote, "Chase
National Bank was the Soviet government's leading lender almost from the
time of the Revolution. During the twenties, it financed Soviet imports of
American cotton. When AMTORG [the Soviet trade and a front in the U.S.] was
established in 1924, Chase agreed to handle its promissory notes and letters
of credit in order to aid the import from Russia of our, timber and precious
metals, and in 1926, Chase advanced the Soviet government revolving credit
of thirty million dollars."
Amtorg was, in a limited sense, the Soviet predecessor to USTEC, (US-USSR
Trade and Economic Council) established in 1972 as a vehicle for Western
capitalists and bankers to prop up the ever-failing socialist stem of the
Soviet Union.
In a February 29, 1984 speech to the Senate, Senator Jesse Helms (NC)
sounded an alarm when he warned "over the years, loans and credits to the
Soviet Union by Western bankers as well as by Western governments, have
served to build the Soviet war machine and to keep the peoples and nations
contained within the Soviet borders and in Soviet satellites in slavery."
The record of an on-going conspiracy has been thoroughly and repeatedly
documented. The world revolutionary movement has been and is being funded by
amoral capitalists and bankers -- men at the highest levels of U.S. finance
and government.
Chapter Seven
GLOBALIST INTRIGUES OF THE ELITIST COUNCIL OF FOREIGN RELATIONS
ANY LIBERALS -- whether pink or red -- whether closet socialists or militant
communists frequently suffer from a blind ideological weakness which author
Dan Smoot called a "deistic complex"; and it matters not whether they are
self-proclaimed atheists or agnostics posing as Christians. In their firm
conviction that they, and they only, know what is best for the masses, they
act out a deep desire to play God.
"The case for government by elites is irrefutable . . . government by the
People is possible but highly improbable" pontificated J. William Fulbright,
chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, at a 1963 symposium
sponsored by the left-wing Fund for the Republic, one of the many
ultra-liberal projects of the Ford Foundation. The symposium was titled,
"THE ELITE AND THE ELECTORATE -- IS GOVERNMENT BY THE PEOPLE POSSIBLE?" To
support his contention, Fulbright relied heavily upon the words of Walter
Lippman, well-known columnist and not-so-well-known founding member of the
far left socialist League for Industrial Democracy, 'The people have
acquired power which they are incapable of exercising, and the governments
they elect have lost powers which they must recover if they are to govern."
Lippman complained that, because of public opinion, America had mishandled
the peace process after World War I by refusing to enter the League of
Nations, that vehicle for global government which had been piously promoted
by "Colonel" Edward Mandell House. According to the "elite," public opinion
must be altered to assure that, after a second world war, America would
readily accept the one-world concept. Closet socialist Lippmann, as a member
of the media, was prepared to facilitate that change.
Lippman was not just a media elitist; he was also a director of the Council
on Foreign Relations the internationalist organization envisioned by House.
After the rejection of the League of Nations by the Senate, the undaunted
"Colonel" had gathered together his most dedicated young intellectual
followers at a dinner meeting in May of 1919 at the magnificent Majestic
Hotel in Paris whereupon they agreed to form an organization to study and
influence international affairs. Subsequently, the group, which had among
its American members Christian A. Herter and the Dulles brothers, Allen and
John Foster, organized the Council on Foreign Relations which was
incorporated in 1921.
Author, historian, former Harvard faculty member and ex-FBI official Dan
Smoot describes the Council on Foreign Relations (CFR) as the centerpiece of
an invisible government. "I am convinced" wrote Smoot in THE INVISIBLE
GOVERNMENT, that "the objective of this invisible government is to convert
America into a socialist state and then make it a unit in a one-world
socialist system."
A one-world socialist system was exactly what "Colonel" House had wanted; he
even wrote a blueprint for its enactment in the political romance, PHILIP
DRU: ADMINISTRATOR, which he published anonymously in 1912. In the book
House rewrote the U.S. Constitution and incorporated many of Marx and
Engels' ideas for a socialist dictatorship.
Over the years, the CFR came to play an increasingly greater role in guiding
America's foreign policy towards a liberal and internationalist bias. The
Reece Committee, a congressional committee investigating the funding of
left-wing activities by tax exempt foundations, concluded in the early '50s,
that the Council on Foreign Relations "is another organization dealing with
internationalism which has substantial financial support of both the
Carnegie Endowment and the Rockefeller Foundation . . . The Council on
Foreign Relations came to be in essence an agency of the United States
government, no doubt carrying its internationalist bias with it . . . its
productions are not objective but are directed overwhelmingly at promoting
the globalism concept . . . There can be no doubt that much of the thinking
in the State Department and much of the background of direction of its
policies came from the personnel of the Carnegie Endowment and the Council
on Foreign Relations."
Coincidentally, one of the founding directors of the Council on Foreign
Relations was the legendary financier, Otto Kahn, who, as a managing partner
of the Kuhn, Loeb investment house had contributed heavily to the Bolshevik
revolution. Kahn served as a CFR director from 1921 until 1934.
Another of the CFR's original directors was Paul M. Warburg, the first
chairman of the Federal Reserve System and brother of another Kuhn, Loeb
partner Felix Warburg.
Allen W. Dulles, who had been one of the "young intellectuals" at "Colonel"
House's 1919 Paris planning dinner, became a CFR director in 1927 and served
continuously until 1969. During the 1950's, he was Director of the CIA under
President Eisenhower while his brother, John Foster Dulles, another of
House's "young intellectuals," was Secretary of State. The "iron curtain" of
Soviet-controlled Eastern Europe was never challenged under the so-called
"cold war" policy of John Foster Dulles. This containment policy allowed the
1956 freedom movement in Hungary to bleed to death and guaranteed the
sanctity of Soviet hegemony over iron curtain countries -- a continuation of
the policy established by FDR.
By 1927, the Rockefeller family, via its various foundations, had begun to
pour money into the CFR; and in 1929, largely with Rockefeller money, the
CFR bought its present headquarters, the Harold Pratt House at 58 East 68th
Street, New York City. Following Rockefeller's lead, the Carnegie and Ford
foundations soon funneled large sums of money into the CFR.
Shortly after World War II exploded in 1939, the Council visited the U.S.
State Department to offer its assistance and an agreement was reached
whereby, according to the Reece Committee, "the Council would do research
and make recommendations for the State Department, without formal assignment
or responsibility." These State Department papers, prepared by the CFR
became known as the "War and Peace Studies . . . financed by the Rockefeller
Foundation . . ."
By 1942, the State Department's newly created Divisions of Special Research
was dominated by Council members. Even the director Leo Pasvolsky was a
member of the CFR. But it was another Council member, Alger Hiss, who
significantly advanced the cause of the liberal elitists in the tradition of
"Colonel" House. Educated at Johns Hopkins University and Harvard Law
School, Hiss, a protege of Felix Frankfurter, started on his government
career in the early 1930s and in 1936, was personally invited by Assistant
Secretary of State Francis B. Sayre, President Wilson's son-in-law, to come
to the State Department as Sayre's assistant. By this time, wrote Dr.
Emanuel M. Josephson in ROCKEFELLER INTERNATIONALIST, "Hiss was deeply
involved in espionage." By 1939, when he became State's assistant adviser on
political relations, ex-communist Whittaker Chambers, as editor of TIME
magazine, told Adolph A. Berle, Assistant Secretary of State for security,
that Hiss was a communist spy. Berle, who was also a personal adviser to the
President, told Roosevelt who responded by telling Berle, in effect, to go
jump in the lake.
As assistant secretary of the State Department, Hiss became a special
adviser to President Roosevelt at the disastrous Yalta summit where the
dying president gave in to all of Stalin's demands.
By 1945, Hiss's superiors at the State Department had been completely
briefed on his communist activities; but he was chosen to be Secretary
General of the United Nations Conference on International Organization at
San Francisco, nonetheless. With assistance from two Soviet representatives,
Hiss prepared the United Nations Charter and gave the Soviet Union three
votes in the General Assembly and America only one vote. Alger Hiss had
finally instituted "Colonel" House's grand design, and America was at last
involved in a one-world socialist government organization.
Hiss had been accompanied to the San Francisco conference by Nelson
Rockefeller, and, as they had done for the Council on Foreign Relations, the
Rockefellers donated the land for the United Nations building in New York.
Elitists move, as through a revolving-door, from liberal establishment
universities to government to the CFR to foundations and back again, and so
CFR member Hiss was appropriately rewarded with the presidency of the
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.
All was proceeding according to plan for the CFR elitists, when unexpectedly
Alger Hiss was indicted and tried for perjury. Hiss had denied knowing
Whittaker Chambers who had accused him of being a Soviet espionage agent.
His first trial ended in a hung jury when CFR friends and supporters
including John Foster Dulles, Secretary of State Dean Acheson, and Supreme
Court Justice Felix Frankfurter testified as character witnesses. However,
at his second trial, when the case against him was conclusively air-tight,
Hiss was abandoned by his supporters, was found guilty and sent to prison.
The conviction of one-of-its-own was no more than a brief unacknowledged
embarrassment for the Council on Foreign Relations which continued to supply
succeeding administrations with secretaries of state, secretaries of
defense, national security advisers, CIA directors, and even Vice-Presidents
and a President. A few examples will suffice:
John Foster Dulles -- secretary of state for Eisenhower;
Dean Rusk -- secretary of state for Kennedy and Johnson;
* Henry Kissinger -- secretary of state for Nixon;
Nelson Rockefeller -- vice president for Ford;
* Cyrus Vance -- secretary of state for Carter;
* Zbigniew Brezezinski -- national security adviser for Carter;
* George P. Shultz -- secretary of state for Reagan;
* Brent Scowcroft national security advisor for Bush;
* Richard B. Cheney secretary of defense for Bush;
* President George Bush was himself a director of the Council from 1977-79.
(* past or present officer/director of the CFR.)
The Council on Foreign Relations of "Colonel" Edward M. House has more than
adequately fulfilled its commitment to study and influence international
affairs!
Chapter Eight
TRANSMISSION BELTS FOR COMMUNIST PROPAGANDA
IN THE LATE 1940s and early 1950s after the successful prosecution of Soviet
spies Julius and Ethel Rosenberg who stole U.S. atomic bomb secrets for the
USSR, and Soviet espionage agent Alger Hiss who was foreign policy "advisor"
to President Franklin D. Roosevelt and later the president of the huge
tax-exempt Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, there was a
realization that the government needed to discover and then interdict the
funding sources of the Soviet agents and communist operations in America.
Hence, twice in the early 1950s, the U.S. House of Representatives voted to
establish a "special" or "select" committee to conduct a complete
investigation of tax-exempt educational and philanthropic foundations and
comparable organizations to determine if any of these foundations and
organizations were misusing their funds "for un-American and subversive
activities; for political purposes; propaganda or attempts to influence
legislation."
Established in 1952 by a Democrat controlled House of Representatives, the
first of these two committees was chaired by Representative Eugene E. Cox,
(D-GA) and was popularly referred to as the Cox Committee.
In 1953, the Republican-controlled House established a "Special Committee to
Investigate Tax-Exempt Foundations and Comparable Organizations" or "Reece
Committee" named after its chairman Carroll B. Reece (R-TN).
The Cox Committee heard testimony from a number of knowledgable witnesses,
including Fordham University faculty member Louis F. Budenz. Budenz, who, in
addition to having been editor of the U.S. Communist Party's official paper
the DAILY WORKER, had been a member of the party's ruling national committee
for nine years until his break in 1945. He informed the House Committee that
the Communist Party (CPUSA) had two specific objectives regarding
foundations. "One, to obtain grants for Communists or those favorable to the
Communist line on those matters which the Communists wished advanced . . .
and then, secondly, to prevent if possible, critics of the Communist
movement from getting grants." American communists were under direct orders
from Moscow to make foundations and other organizations "transmission belts
for the Communist line."
A CPUSA subcommittee on foundations supervised communist efforts in this
regard, and targeted key foundations for penetration. Budenz named some of
the target foundations, "They were the Carnegie, Rockefeller, and Guggenheim
Foundations. Based on his own experience as a party official, Budenz gave
the Committee specific examples of successful communist penetration and
manipulation of foundations.
Testifying under oath, Budenz named individuals who as communists had become
trustee members, or key officials or had received grants from a number of
tax-exempt foundations. Some of these communist activists were in key
teaching positions at prestigious colleges or universities. Some had
received foundation grants to influence, from a radical communist viewpoint,
civil-rights issues and others received large tax-exempt grants to "develop
new forms of music." The recipients of foundation largess were well-placed
to mold the impressionable young minds of the leaders of America's next
generation.
A few of the Communist Party members named by Budenz were: Dr. Mary Van
Kleek of the Rusell Sage Foundation and Smith College; Frederick Vanderbilt
Field, millionaire head of his own tax-exempt American People's Fund; Doxie
Wilkerson, board member of the General Education Board, a major Rockefeller
philanthropy; Louise Bransten, a trustee of the Rosenberg Foundation; and
Walter Gelhorn, recipient of a substantial grant from the Rockefeller
Foundation for work on civil liberties studies at Cornell University.
Gelhorn later denied that he was a member of the CPUSA but under cross
examination reluctantly admitted to being a member of the National Lawyers
Guild, cited by Congress as the legal arm of the CPUSA.
The Rockefeller Foundation also dispensed a large grant for the purpose of
developing "new forms of music" to Hans Eisler, who, according to Budenz,
was head of the Red International Music Bureau."of Moscow and had the
specific commission in America "to direct the penetration of the musical
world, composers, critics, and the like, for the Communist Party This
information was given to Budenz by CPUSA cultural official Alexander
Trachtenberg who smugly stated, "We are using capitalist money to destroy
capitalism."
Those few examples indicate just how successful the Communist Party U.S.A.
has been at using some of America's wealthiest and most respected tax-exempt
foundations in order to finance Soviet espionage, promote communist
propaganda, influence legislation and reshape young minds in America.
Since the premature and abrupt demise of the Reece Committee in 1954, and
even though suspicions are that the situation remains much the same, there
has been no congressional investigation of foundations to determine whether
or not billions of tax-exempt dollars are being used in violation of the
public trust and to finance subversive communist activities.
In January 1986, suggesting that the need for such a committee is even
greater today than it was in the early '50s, Senator Jesse Helms, (R-NC)
called for a new independent congressional committee with the full power of
subpoena, to update the work of the Cox and Reece Committees. Unfortunately
though, with just a few of the largest foundations controlling billions of
dollars and dispensing hundreds of millions of those dollars annually to pet
liberal projects, it is unlikely that the left-wing controlled Congress will
challenge their tax-exempt status.
Chapter Nine
A DIABOLICAL CONSPIRACY?
Due to the unexpected death of Chairman Cox on December 24, 1952, the Cox
Committee was in operation for only eight months; but it discovered enough
evidence to convince the Republicans to establish a similar Rouse
investigative committee under their leadership in July of 1953.
The final report of the Cox Committee stated, "The committee is satisfied
that as long as 20 years ago, Moscow decided upon a program of infiltrating
cultural and educational groups and organizations in this country, including
the foundations. The American Communist Party, following the program laid
down in Moscow, went so far as to create a . . . Cultural Commission which
gave specific attention to foundations."
Convinced that infiltration had occurred, the Cox committee continued, there
remains the ugly unalterable fact that Alger Hiss became the president of
the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace."
The information gathered by the Cox Committee led Representative Carroll
Reece (R-TN), chairman of the 1953-4 investigating committee, to state: "No
one seems to know the number of tax-exempt foundations. There are probably
300,000 . . . In the past, they have made a magnificent contribution to our
national life. In the past, the majority have justified these tax
exemptions, even though the probable cost to the taxpayers runs into the
billions."
"Certainly the Congress has a right and a duty to inquire into the purposes
and conduct of institutions to which the taxpayers have made such great
sacrifices.
"In any event, the Congress should concern itself with certain weaknesses
and dangers which have arisen in a minority of these.
"Some of these activities and some of these institutions support efforts to
overthrow our Government and to undermine our American way of life.
"These activities urgently require investigation. Here lies the story of how
communism and socialism are financed in the United States, where they get
their money. It is the story of who pays the bill.
"There is evidence to show there is a diabolical conspiracy back of all
this. Its aim is the furtherance of socialism in the United States.
"Communism is only a brand name for socialism, and the Communist state
represents itself to be only the true form of socialism.
"The facts will show that, as usual, it is the ordinary taxpaying citizen
who foots most of the bill, not the Communists and the Socialist, who know
only how to spend money, not how to earn it.
"The method by which this is done seems fantastic to reasonable men, for
these Communists and Socialists seize control of fortunes left behind by
capitalists when they die, and turn these fortunes around to finance the
destruction of capitalism."
Congressman Reece revealed that in the early '50s, the Ford Foundation made
a grant of $15 million (the equivalent of $60-$70 million in today's
dollars) to "investigate from a critical point of view" those Congressional
Committees which were investigating Soviet and other communist operations in
the United States. Little wonder Reece called it a "diabolical conspiracy!"
The existence of a foundation-funded conspiracy was well-documented but a
conspiracy of silence would keep the American people from realizing the
seriousness of the threat.
By the late seventies, even the liberal Henry Ford II finally resigned in
disgust from the board of the multi-billion dollar Ford Foundation. He
charged that the foundation -- the nation's largest -- funded by his family,
was paying for projects which were aimed at overthrowing the very
free-enterprise system, which created the wealth that supported the
foundation.
In the boastful words of Communist party official Alexander Trachtenberg,
"We are using capitalist money to destroy capitalism."
Chapter Ten
FOUNDATION-FUNDED NON-BLOODY REVOLUTION
COMMITTEE CHAIRMAN B. Carroll Reece warned fellow congressmen of a
"diabolical conspiracy," that a certain few foundations were financing the
Socialist and Communist overthrow of the United States."
The Reece Committee learned that the Rockefeller Foundation and Carnegie
Endowment for International Peace, were, with tax-exempt dollars, funding
leftist propaganda operations, aimed at changing America through the brain,
not the battlefield. Patriotism, national sovereignty, individual
responsibility, and Christian beliefs were belittled while the concepts of a
one world government, socialism, collectivism and humanism were deemed
essential for peace in the modern age.
A clandestine and successful non-bloody revolution had been masterminded by
some of America's most powerful and devious men -- men who did not want to
be exposed by a congressional investigating committee.
The man chosen by Reece to be the committee's research director was Norman
Dodd, Yale graduate, intellectual and N.Y. investment banker. During this
writer's frequent visits to Dodd's retirement home in Keene, Virginia, he
repeatedly spoke of his conviction that justice demanded that those
foundations "should be compelled to spend a like amount of dollars to undo
the damage they have done to America."
Dodd sent committee questionnaires to numerous foundations, and as a result
of one such request, Joseph E. Johnson, president of the Carnegie Endowment
for International Peace invited Dodd to send a committee staffer to
Carnegie's headquarters in New York City to examine the minutes of the
meetings of the Endowment's trustees. These minutes had long since been
stored away in a warehouse and obviously Johnson, who was a close friend of
former Carnegie President and Soviet spy Alger Hiss, had no idea what was in
them.
The minutes revealed that in 1910, the Carnegie trustees asked themselves
this question: "Is there any way known to man more effective than war, to so
alter the life of an entire people?"
For a year the trustees sought an effective "peaceful" method to "alter the
life of an entire people"; but ultimately, they concluded that war was the
most effective way to change people.
Consequently, the trustees of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
next asked themselves: "How do we involve the United States in a war?"
And they answered, "We must control the diplomatic machinery of the United
States," by first gaining "control of the State Department."
Norman Dodd said that the trustees' minutes reinforced what the Reece
Committee had uncovered elsewhere about the Carnegie Endowment, that "it had
already become a powerful policy-making force inside the State Department."
During those early years of the Carnegie Endowment, war clouds were already
forming over Europe and the opportunity for the enactment of their plan was
drawing near.
History proved that World War I did indeed have an enormous impact on the
American people. For the first time in our history, large numbers of wives
and mothers had to leave the home to work in war factories, thus effectively
eroding woman's historic role as the "heart" of the family. The sanctity of
the family itself was placed in jeopardy. Life in America was so thoroughly
changed that, according to Norman Dodd, "the trustees had the brashness to
congratulate themselves on the wisdom and validity of their original
decision." They sent a confidential message to President Wilson, insisting
that the war not be ended too quickly. Carnegie trustee Cleveland H. Dodge,
one of Wilson's financial supporters, had direct access to the President, as
did Elihu Root, Endowment president from 1910 to 1925.
After the War, the Carnegie Endowment trustees reasoned that if they could
get control of education in the United States, they would be able to prevent
a return to the way of life as it had been prior to the war; and they
recruited the Rockefeller Foundation to assist in such a monumental task.
According to Dodd, "They divided the task in parts, giving to the
Rockefeller Foundation the responsibility of altering education as it
pertains to domestic subjects, but Carnegie retained the task of altering
our education in foreign affairs and about international relations." The
foundations decided that the most effective method of achieving this goal
would be by altering American History, so they awarded grants, fellowships
and scholarships to those professors and historians who would rewrite
American history and promote one-worldism, humanism and socialism. By the
early '30s, the well-laid plans of the foundation trustees had reached
fruition, and a Reece Committee staff report concluded:
(1) that there had indeed been a non-bloody revolution in America between
1933 and 1936;
(2) that a certain few foundations had funded efforts to change the beliefs
of the American people through education and propaganda; and
(3) that these revolutionary changes had been accepted without resistance.
To demonstrate how thoroughly American opinion had been changed according to
the plan of the foundations, we cite the following historical example: At
the end of World War I, Woodrow Wilson and his shadowy alter-ego "Colonel"
Edward M. House tried to sell the U.S. Senate and the American people on the
idea of the League of Nations. This was, of course, the first concerted
international effort towards a one world government.
Wilson and House failed in their mission; but a generation later, after
another great war and much re-education via college International Relations
Clubs, international studies educational grants and the like, the Senate and
the people readily accepted membership in the United Nations.
Roosevelt's foreign policy advisor Alger Hiss helped write the U.N. Charter
in which the Soviet Union was given three votes in the General Assembly and
the United States only one; and then, before his perjury conviction for
lying about his Soviet espionage activities, he went on to become president
of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.
Chairman Reece expressed justifiable rage when he described what was
happening as a "diabolical conspiracy." The conspirators had left little to
chance.
Chapter Eleven
AN ADMISSION OF CONSPIRACY AND A DEATH THREAT FOR SILENCE
THOSE CONGRESSIONAL INVESTIGATIONS of the early '50s into tax-exempt
foundations were mandated by the House of Representatives in a resolution
stating, "The Committee is authorized and directed to conduct a full and
complete investigation . . . to determine which of such foundations and
organizations are using their resources for un-American and subversive
activities; for political purposes; propaganda, or attempts to influence
legislation."
The tax-exempt status granted to foundations by the Congress of the United
States is a special and powerful privilege subsidized by the American
taxpayer. Therefore, Congress has not only the authority but also the
obligation to investigate how tax-exempt funds are spent.
The Ford Foundation, largest of all the foundations, balked when it received
a preliminary questionnaire from the Reece Committee. H. Rowan Gaither,
president of the multi-billion dollar foundation, summoned committee
research director Dodd to foundation offices in New York City.
At the meeting, Gaither asked, "Mr. Dodd we invited you to come here because
we thought that perhaps, off the record, you would be kind enough to tell us
why the Congress is interested in the operations of foundations such as
ours?"
Gaither answered his own rhetorical question with a startling admission:
"Mr. Dodd, all of us here at the policy making level of the foundation have
at one time or another served in the 0SS [the Office of Strategic Services,
the forerunner of the CIA) or the European Economic Administration,
operating under directives from the White Rouse. We operate under those same
directives. . . . The substance of the directives under which we operate is
that we shall use our grant making power to so alter life in the United
Stated that we can he comfortably merged with the Soviet Union."
Stunned, Dodd finally replied, "Why don't you tell the American people what
you just told me and you could save the taxpayers thousands of dollars set
aside for this investigation?" Gaither responded, "Mr. Dodd, we wouldn't
think of doing that."
In public, of course, Gaither never admitted what he had revealed in
private. However, on numerous public occasions, Norman Dodd repeated what
Gaither had said, and was neither sued by Gaither nor challenged by the Ford
Foundation.
Within days of the Reece Committee's announcement of the purpose of the
investigation and the identity of the organizations to be questioned, Norman
Dodd was invited to dine privately at the Mayflower Hotel in Washington with
Herman Edelsberg who was the Washington representative of the
Anti-Defamation League (ADL) of B'nai B'rith. Edelsberg told Dodd that the
ADL was one of the most powerful organizations in America -- becoming more
powerful each year -- and that the only thing it feared was bad publicity.
Obviously, then, the ADL was not pleased about being investigated by the
committee and had sent Edelsberg to find out who on the committee had
decided to question the ADL. When he learned that it had been Dodd's
decision, not the chairman's, Edelsberg asked, "How do we dispose of you?"
Dodd was undeterred by the threat however, because he had been forewarned by
Chrysler Corporation's finance committee chairman B. E. Hutchinson who,
though he supported the Reece Committee inquiry, was well aware of the
dangers involved and had warned Dodd, "If you proceed with the investigation
as you have outlined, you will be killed." Perhaps the threat was not
carried out against Dodd because far subtler methods had been developed to
end the investigation. The Reece Committee was sabotaged from within by a
Democrat committee member, the liberal Wayne Hays of Ohio. On one occasion,
Hays sarcastically interrupted a friendly witness, Aaron Sargent, 246 times
during 185 minutes of testimony. Many of Hayes questions were totally
irrelevant, childish and sarcastic, designed to waste the witness's time and
bring the hearings to a halt. Hays admitted to the committee's staff that
Sam Rayburn, the most powerful Democrat in the House of Representatives, had
assigned him to the committee for one purpose, "to break-up the
investigation," and he intended to do just that. Hays told committee counsel
Rene Wormser that the White House had been in touch with him and asked Hays
if "he would cooperate to kill the committee."
The success of the conspiracy to silence the investigation and to thwart
corrective legislation so as to preserve its power-base is self-evident.
Chapter Twelve
LINES OF CREDIT: ROPES OF BONDAGE
AFTER THE DEATH of Konstantin Chernenko in March of 1985, Mikahil Gorbachev
won a monumental power struggle in the Kremlin and emerged as leader of the
Soviet Union. Almost immediately, the crafty new secretary general of the
Communist Party of the Soviet Union began to institute what appeared to be
radical changes known as "glasnost" (openess) and "perestroika"
(restructuring) in an attempt to salvage the rapidly crumbling communist
system. His role model was V.1. Lenin, who in a 1921 effort to save the
system, had instituted his New Economic Policy (NEP) which allowed limited
free market privileges to farmers. Without the subsequent infusions of
Westem credit, plus construction and corporate know-how, the communist
dictatorship might well have collapsed within its first decade. Lenin
referred to the NEP when he uttered his famous phrase, "two steps forward,
one step back."
Western credit and commodities, lured to the Soviet empire by the temporary
openness and appearance of reform in Lenin's NEP, enabled him and his
successor Joseph Stalin to tighten the ropes of bondage around the necks of
the Soviet people. In the 1920s American newspapers wrote about U.S.
companies and entrepreneurs who built everything from tractor plants to
pencil factories in Russia with financing arranged by U.S. banks and trade
details prepared by the pro-Soviet American International Corporation (AIC).
Those many American bankers and businessmen who rescued the communist system
from certain collapse in the 1920s helped to create Lenin's legacy: Stalin's
reign of terror, that appalling period in the 1930s when between 300,000 to
500,000 persons a month were brutally "eliminated" in one purge after
another. "Most of the private beneficiaries of Lenin's New Economic Policy
became, ten years later, liquidated Kulaks [free farmers) under Joseph
Stalin," writes Dr. Warren H. Carroll in his epic work 70 YEARS OF THE
COMMUNIST REVOLUTION.
In 1975, Alexander Solzhenitsyn beseeched the West not to save -- once again
-- the communist government and its failed economic system; but his plea has
gone unnoticed or unheeded by many in the West, who, like lemmings racing
suicidally to the sea, seek to sell to the Soviets, on credit, the rope with
which they intend to hang the free world.
To students of history, it is inconceivable that Gorbachev's "perestroika,"
which could more accurately be described as NEP, has seduced so many in the
West; and yet American newspapers are once again touting the advent of
Soviet reform and reporting on the great new business ventures to be found
in the Soviet Union. THE WALL STREET JOURNAL of March 30, 1989 proclaimed
"SOVIETS, 6 U.S. FIRMS REACH TRADE ACCORD" and then described the ambitious
agreement for joint US-USSR trade and economic ventures in the Soviet Union.
The JOURNAL article named Chevron, Archer-Daniels-Midland (ADM), Eastman
Kodak, RJR Nabisco, and Johnson & Johnson as the corporations poised to
invest up to 10 billion dollars in the USSR.
Chevron, according to the WALL STREET JOURNAL, "is one of the keys to the
consortium's success. Sources say it is working with the Soviet Oil Ministry
to find possible sites for joint oil and gas exploration and development."
The products from Chevron's ventures are potentially the biggest producer of
desperately needed hard currency for the Soviet Union.
It is expected that lines of credit for the Soviet joint ventures will be
arranged in the West by the sixth U.S. participant in the venture, the
Mercator Corporation, the merchant bank whose president, James H. Giffen, is
a member of the shadowy Council on Foreign Relations and past co-chairman of
the secretive and controversial US-USSR Trade and Economic Council (USTEC).
USTEC was founded in 1973 to promote trade with the Soviet Union and on the
surface appears to be a giant U.S-Soviet chamber of commerce -- a friendly
facilitator of business -- with an equal number of U.S. and Soviet
officials. In reality, though, America's corporate members are private
companies and the Soviet members are government agencies, a situation which,
in 1987, prompted ranking minority member of the Senate Foreign Relations
Committee Jesse Helms (R-NC) to try to raise the ominous veil of secrecy
surrounding USTEC's U.S. membership list.
The senator's concern that USTEC was being used as a vehicle for the
transfer of advanced U.S technology and hard currency credits to the Soviet
Union was based on some alarming facts:
The CIA had confirmed that Yevgeniy Petrovich Pitovranov, then chairman of
the Soviet chamber of commerce and a member of USTEC's executive committee,
was a lieutenant general (ret) of the KGB;
* KGB staff officers fill about half of the senior management slots in the
chamber's Moscow apparatus which supplies operatives for USTEC;
* Soviet trade members of USTEC who often are KGB or GRU intelligence spies
can travel freely in the U.S. and gain access to U.S. technology plants and
research facilities without the usual security limitations which restrict
the travel of Soviet embassy and consulate employees;
* An internal FBI memo refers to USMC as a "targeted hostile intelligence"
as well as a "suspected espionage apparatus";
* The CIA has evidence that the Soviets have forged end-user documents to
hide the fact that their use of U.S. technology will be for military
purposes rather than for civilian uses as "officially" claimed;
* According to the CIA, a number of USTEC's U.S. corporate members which
have defense contracts, such as General Electric, Tenneco, IBM, Rockwell
International, General Motors, DuPont, Xerox, and FMC, have, on numerous
occasions, been the direct object of repeated Soviet intelligence gathering;
* President Reagan's secretary of commerce C. William Verity, Jr., had tried
several years earlier, when he was co-chairman of USTEC, to have the U.S.
government remove or reduce its technology-protective trade barriers against
the USSR;
* At the annual USTEC's director's meeting of 1986, Council on Foreign
Relations member and former undersecretary of commerce Bruce Smart stated
enthusiastically, "Complete factories can be exported to the Soviet Union
totally comparable to new factories built in the U.S. with all the most
modern equipment including process controls".
A legitimate ethical conflict-of-interest exists: does a U.S. defense
contractor which has received hundreds of millions -- even billions -- of
dollars from the government for research and development of advanced defense
technology have the right to be a member of any organization which is used
by the enemy as an intelligence gathering operation? It was similar
U.S.-Soviet commerce which helped the Red armed forces massacre one million
Afghans. In 1979, the Soviet military swept down a U.S. built highway to
Kabul in modern military trucks built in "the giant Khama River truck plant
at Naberzhnye Chelnny financed by David Rockefeller and a groups of Wall
Street banks, technology courtesy of Mack trucks," writes Dr. John Coleman
in his article "High Tech Treason" for the August '88 issue of World
Economic Review.
Two years before the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, at the 1977 annual
meeting of USTEC directors, David Rockefeller, who had been a director of
USTEC since its inception and was chairman of the CFR for 15 years, praised
Chase Manhattan Bank for its 50 years of financial assistance to the Soviet
government as well as to Amtorg Trading Corp (a Soviet espionage front in
earlier years), "During World War II, Chase became Amtorg Trading Corp's
principal U.S. bank."
The efforts of the Rockefellers, the Giffens and others of their ilk who
have substituted internationalism for patriotism and greed for compassion
and who are working to consolidate the U.S. and the USSR into a giant cartel
with loans and credits to the Soviet Union supplied by Western bankers and
governments have, in the words of Jesse Helms, "served to build the Soviet
war machine and to keep the people and nations contained within the Soviet
borders and in Soviet satellites in slavery."
When, for the sake of greed, trade becomes treason and compromise becomes
collusion, lines of credit form ropes of bondage.
Conclusion
THE LATE Dr. Bella V. Dodd had been an active member of the Communist Party,
U.S.A., (CPUSA) since her college days in New York City and by the mid-'40s
had become a member of the party's inner circle leadership. However, by
1950, after discovering the total deceitfulness of all things communist, she
left the party and embraced Christianity.
Dr. Dodd revealed that during the worst days of World War II, the Kremlin
told the leadership of the CPUSA that if they were unable to contact Moscow,
they could obtain emergency orders directly from any one of three wealthy
and powerful Americans living in the towers of a famous mid-town Manhattan
hotel. She never publicly revealed the names of those men. However, in
response to the inevitable question, "Who is the hidden power, the real
leader, behind the entire world-wide communist conspiracy?" she stated, "If
the final authority for the atheistic communist conspiracy could be
unmasked, it would be Satan."
Bella Dodd had seen the conflict from both sides and she painstakingly
explained that the ultimate objective of the Satanic conspiracy, of which
communism was but one part, was the destruction of Christianity.
There seems to be no end to the struggle. However, in America's continuing
fight against communism's ideological soulmates, socialism and humanism, we
can surely take heart and be encouraged by the words of George Washington,
written during those dark days of June, 1776, "If it be the will of God that
America should be independent of Great Britain, and that this be the season
for it, even I and these unhopeful men around may not be thought unworthy
instruments in His hands . . . In this persuasion I resolve to go on,
contented to save my country, or die in the last ditch."
ABOUT THE AUTHOR
ROBERT HENRY GOLDSBOROUGH became alerted to the dangers of communism when in
1955, after his cum laude graduation from college, he took an intensive
course on the strategy and tactics of communism from Louis Budenz. Budenz
had been a U.S. Communist Party boss and editor of its official paper until
he renounced communism and became a Christian.
Later, as a staff investigator for the House Committee on Un-American
Activities, Mr. Goldsborough had the rare opportunity to study the habits
and habitats, to investigate the strategy and tactics, and to see first hand
that destructive breed the communist -- in action. As a congressional
investigator, one of his tasks was to prepare committee hearings thus
witnessing events which are rarely, if ever, reported by the media.
The author resigned from the House Committee to become assistant editor of
the highly respected intelligence report, INFORM. With agents in both
hemispheres, INFORM gathered sensitive data on international revolutionary
activity which often went undetected by government intelligence agencies.
At the request of Richard Arens, who as chief counsel for the Joint
House-Senate Committee on Immigration, had drafted the McCarran-Walter Act,
Mr. Goldsborough organized the American Committee on Immigration Policies to
support and promote the security provisions of the McCarran-Walter Act.
Although working in support of the law-of-the-land, he was subjected to
undercover pressures from the highest levels of the Johnson administration
to stop the work.
In 1975, Mr. Goldsborough developed a close personal friendship with Norman
Dodd, former research director of the special congressional committee
ordered to investigate tax-exempt funding of communism and socialism. He
regularly visited Mr. Dodd at his home recording Dodd's experiences during
the investigations of the Rockefeller, Ford, and Carnegie foundations.
Dodd's expertise was of particular interest, because in 1964, Mr.
Goldsborough had written the best seller -- MORE DEADLY THAN THE BOMB! which
exposed foundation funding of communist and socialist activities.
For over 30 years, the author has lectured nationally to over 1,000
audiences -- in person and over radio and TV. His speeches expose the
dangers of illegal immigration, the strategy and tactics and goals of
communism, the real meaning of detente, Fabian socialism and the power of
such shadowy groups as the CFR.
In 1977, Mr. Goldsborough co-founded the editorial service and news letter
WASHINGTON DATELINE. During the 12 years of continuous publication, he has
written over 500 columns on world affairs, and vital current events. His
clear, concise and logical analysis of issues has been widely praised by
knowledgeable persons such as Senator Jesse Helms who wrote, "No column
available to conservatives is more succinct, accurate and timely than
WASHINGTON DATELINE," and President Ronald Reagan who wrote, "Thanks to you,
we have begun our historic journey toward national renewal."
Mr. Goldsborough and his wife live in Baltimore, Maryland where they were
both born and raised. Married for over 27 years, they have five children and
one grandchild. lines.htm
http://www.biblebelievers.org.au/
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