-Caveat Lector-

http://www.wsws.org/articles/2001/sep2001/nyt-s25.shtml



New York Times

Washington Post suppress media recount of Florida vote By Barry Grey 25

September 2001


A consortium of major American news organizations, including the New York
Times, the Washington Post, and the Wall Street Journal, has decided to
withhold the results of its recount of ballots cast in Florida in the 2000
presidential election. The consortium had planned to publish its report
this week, and although its decision to suppress its own findings has
received virtually no media attention, the reason is made clear in a
September 23 column by New York Times Washington bureau chief Richard L.
Berke.

In a column that enthusiastically welcomes the dissolution of all political
opposition in Washington in the wake of the September 11 terror attacks,
Berke writes: "Until September 11, the capital was riding a historically
partisan period, with leading Democrats still portraying their president as
'appointed' by the Supreme Court. In a move that might have stoked the
partisan tensions-but now seems utterly irrelevant-a consortium of new
organizations, including The New York Times, had been scheduled this week
to |release the results of its ambitious undertaking to recount the Florida
presidential ballots. (That has been put on hold indefinitely)."

In other words, the Times and its counterparts in the consortium have
decided to conceal from the American people facts damaging to the Bush
administration's claims to political legitimacy. They are doing so for the
express purpose of suppressing dissent and bolstering the president as he
prepares to take the American people into war and makes sweeping attacks on
their civil liberties.

This act of self-censorship is entirely in keeping with the overall
response of the media to the events of the past two weeks-a response that
in coming years will be widely seen as among the most shameful episodes in
the history of American journalism. Neither in the broadcast nor the print
media is there any attempt whatsoever to examine the claims of the Bush
administration. All statements emanating from the White House and the
Pentagon, even those known to be lies, are presented to the public as good
coin.

What "now seems utterly irrelevant" to Berke is the fact the very
government which is committing the population to a war of undefined
duration and dimensions, with all of the tragic consequences this entails,
was installed through the suppression of votes and judicial fiat. Berke
voices his own cynicism toward the theft of the 2000 election when he
writes: "The indecisiveness of last year's election gave the nation a
civics lesson, but one that lent itself to snide jokes, not grave
consideration."

This attitude, so crudely expressed and brazen in its contempt for
democratic principles, cannot come as a surprise to anyone who has
seriously considered the trajectory of news reporting in the US over the
past decade. It says a great deal about the role of the media and the
outlook that pervades editorial offices and network news bureaus.

The media, however, does not exist in a void. Its degeneration reflects
more profound tendencies within society and the political system.

The suppression of the Florida recount, and the Times' justification for
it, exemplify the role of the media as a de facto organ of the state.
Journalists like Berke, who occupy prominent positions within the media
establishment, no longer conceive of themselves, even remotely, as
protectors of democratic institutions and the rights of the people, with a
responsibility to inform and educate the public so that it can assert its
interests in opposition to those who wield power.

One component of bourgeois democratic institutions in the US was the
traditional conception of the press as the "Fourth Estate," an independent
force that served as a check on the power of the state. This notion, often
enough expressed more in the breach than in the observance, and always
attenuated by corporate control of the media and the innumerable ties that
existed between the media establishment and state agencies, including the
CIA, has now been thoroughly eroded and repudiated. Today, media operatives
overwhelmingly, and as a matter of course, conceive of their task as the
defense of the corporate elite and the state, as against the right of the
people to know.

The debasement of the US media can be traced in relation to the great
political convulsions of the past 30 years. During the Vietnam War and the
Watergate crisis, major news organs such as the New York Times and the
Washington Post played a significant role in exposing the lies of
successive administrations, culminating in the exposure of the criminal and
authoritarian actions of the Nixon administration. In the aftermath of
Watergate, however, there was a determined campaign to bring the media more
tightly to heel, to which the media succumbed with relatively little
resistance.

Today it is all but inconceivable that the Times would publish anything
comparable to the Pentagon Papers, or the Washington Post anything like the
series of exposures that ultimately led to the resignation of Richard
Nixon.

Already by the time of the Iran-Contra crisis of the mid-1980s, the element
of press cover-up for the unconstitutional actions of the Reagan
administration far outweighed that of serious investigation and exposure.
With the Persian Gulf War of 1991, the media assumed the role of conduit
for the propaganda handed down by the White House, the State Department and
the Pentagon. The networks and the press submitted with barely a whimper to
unprecedented restrictions on the reportage of battle preparations and the
actual conduct of the war. To this day, the American media have not
revealed the number of Iraqis killed and wounded in that uneven slaughter.

In the 1990s the role of the media assumed an even more pernicious form.
Leading newspapers such as the New York Times and the Washington Post lent
their prestige to the series of scandals mounted by the Republican right to
destabilize the Clinton administration. They became sounding boards for a
thoroughly anti-democratic conspiracy by extreme right-wing forces to
remove an elected president from office.

Berke's newspaper, the Times, played a particularly vile role. Times
reporter Jeff Gerth lent credibility to the anti-Clinton machinations of
unreconstructed segregationist elements, Christian fundamentalists and
sections of the Republican leadership with his series of articles in the
early '90s on the Whitewater affair-articles based on little more than
speculation and rumor. The Times later embraced the Monica Lewinsky scandal
and unswervingly depicted the sex-based witch-hunt led by Independent
Counsel Kenneth Starr as a legitimate investigation, downplaying Starr's
attacks on civil liberties. In this manner the Times legitimized the
political conspiracy that culminated in the impeachment of Clinton.

Within weeks of Clinton's acquittal by the Senate, Gerth and the Times were
at it again, publishing a series of witch-hunting articles against Los
Alamos nuclear scientist Wen Ho Lee. These tracts provided a platform for
sections of the Republican Party that were simultaneously seeking to create
a Cold War-style hysteria against "Communist" China, and brand Clinton as a
traitor, who supposedly traded nuclear secrets to the Chinese government in
return for campaign contributions in the 1996 election. The biased and
sensationalist character of Gerth's reporting was exposed when the federal
case against Lee collapsed. In the end, the Times was compelled to issue a
public apology.

The political wars of the 1990s revealed the profound erosion of American
democratic institutions. The Republican Party had been largely taken over
by extreme right-wing and fascistic forces, and the Democratic Party had
proven itself incapable of opposing their attack on democratic rights.

In the 2000 election, the outcome of this protracted political decay was
expressed in a fundamental break with democratic traditions and procedures.
The Republican Party, with the tacit support of the media, set out to steal
the presidential election, and with the aid of the right-wing majority on
the Supreme Court, succeeded. It met with no serious resistance, either
during or after the theft of Florida's electoral votes, from the Democrats.

The 2000 election demonstrated that within the American ruling elite,
including both capitalist parties and the media establishment, there exists
no significant constituency for the defense of democratic rights. The
decision of the New York Times, the Washington Post, and other major news
outlets to suppress the results of their Florida recount underscores this
fact. It demonstrates that the break with democratic forms of rule that
occurred last year was irrevocable.

Now, as the Bush administration hurtles toward war and launches an
unprecedented drive to strengthen the police powers of the state and
dismantle democratic safeguards, the Times and the rest of the media hail
the suppression of political opposition and the de facto establishment of
one-party rule as a positive good.

The American people must take heed: the ruling elite is well on the way to
establishing an authoritarian, anti-democratic state.

No serious resistance to such a course will emerge from within the
political establishment. That must come from a politically united and
independently organized working class movement, fighting with its own party
on the basis of a socialist program committed to the defense of democratic
rights.

See Also: Where is the Bush administration taking the American people? [22
September 2001] Democratic rights in America: the first casualty of Bush's
anti-terror war [19 September 2001] Why the Bush administration wants war
[14 September 2001] The political roots of the terror attack on New York
and Washington [12 September 2001] The New York Times and the case of Wen
Ho Lee [29 September 2000]


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             Kadosh, Kadosh, Kadosh, YHVH, TZEVAOT

   FROM THE DESK OF:

           *Michael Spitzer* <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>

  The Best Way To Destroy Enemies Is To Change Them To Friends
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