You may get some information on him on the Net.. one such article is given below
  Hasan al-Banna was the founder of the Muslim Brotherhood or Society of the 
Muslim Brothers, the largest and most influential Sunni revivalist organization 
in the 20th century. Created in Egypt in 1928, the Muslim Brotherhood became 
the first mass-based, overtly political movement to oppose the ascendancy of 
secular and Western ideas in the Middle East. The brotherhood saw in these 
ideas the root of the decay of Islamic societies in the modern world, and 
advocated a return to Islam as a solution to the ills that had befallen Muslim 
societies. Al-Banna's leadership was critical to the spectacular growth of the 
brotherhood during the 1930s and 1940s. By the early 1950s, branches had been 
established in Syria, Sudan, and Jordan. Soon, the movement's influence would 
be felt in places as far away as the Gulf and non-Arab countries such as Iran, 
Pakistan, Indonesia, and Malaysia. Driving this expansion was the appeal of the 
organizational model embodied in the original,
 Egypt-based section of the brotherhood, and the success of al-Banna's 
writings. Translated into several languages, these writings have shaped two 
generations of Sunni religious activists across the Islamic world.
  Like many of the Islamic leaders who followed in his footsteps, Al-Banna 
enjoyed the benefits of a modern education, but had been raised in a 
traditional Islamic environment. He was born in 1906 in Mahmudiyya, a small 
town in the Nile Delta. His father, a watch repairman who also served as prayer 
leader and Qur'anic teacher in the local mosque, had been educated at Al-Azhar. 
Author of a few works on Islamic jurisprudence, he instilled strong religious 
values into Al-Banna. Even as a primary school student, Al-Banna joined several 
religious societies dedicated to the promotion of Islamic standards of moral 
behavior. It was also at that young age that he became a member of the 
Hasafiyya Brothers' Sufi order. His early participation in dhikr circles and 
avid reading of Sufi literature help explain why he always saw the moral reform 
of the individual as a precondition to the Islamization of society.
  In 1923, at the age of 16, Al-Banna moved to Cairo to enter the famous Dar 
al-'Ulum college. The four years that Al-Banna spent in Cairo exposed him to 
the political ferment of the Egyptian capital in the early 1920s, and enhanced 
his awareness of the extent to which secular and Western ways had penetrated 
the very fabric of society. It was then that Al-Banna became particularly 
preoccupied with what he saw as the young generation's drift away from Islam. 
He believed that the battle for the hearts and minds of the youth would prove 
critical to the survival of a religion besieged by a Western onslaught. While 
studying in Cairo, he immersed himself in the writings of the founders of 
Islamic reformism (the Salafiyya movement), including the Egyptian Muhammad 
'Abduh (1849-1905), under whom his father had studied while at Al-Azhar. But it 
was 'Abduh's disciple, the Syrian Rashid Rida (1865-1935), who most influenced 
Al-Banna. Al-Banna was a dedicated reader of Al-Manar, the
 magazine that Rida published in Cairo from 1898 until his death in 1935. He 
shared Rida's central concern with the decline of Islamic civilization relative 
to the West. He too believed that this trend could be reversed only by 
returning to an unadulterated form of Islam, free from all the accretions that 
had diluted the strength of its original message. Like Rida at the end of his 
life — but unlike 'Abduh and other Islamic modernists — Al-Banna felt that the 
main danger to Islam's survival in the modern age stemmed less from the 
conservatism of Al-Azhar and the ulama (which he nevertheless criticized) than 
from the ascendancy of Western secular ideas.
  Al-Banna urged the rejection of all Western notions, emphasizing instead the 
need to return to the foundations and original purity of Islam. Indeed, through 
the organizational skills he would soon demonstrate, Al-Banna did more than any 
other thinker during that time to contribute to the eclipse of Islamic 
refornism and modernism by Islamic fundamentalism. Upon graduating from Dar 
al-'Ulum in 1927, at the age of 21, Al-Banna was appointed as a teacher of 
Arabic in a primary school in Isma'iliyya. At the time, Isma'iliyya served as 
the capital of the British-occupied Canal Zone and hosted the headquarters of 
the Suez Canal Company (SCC). British military camps and the homes of the SCC's 
foreign employees were as much a part of this rapidly expanding new town as the 
wretched conditions in which the majority of the SCC's Egyptian workers lived. 
Al-Banna's first assignment thus heightened his resentment of what he saw as 
Egypt's military occupation, economic exploitation,
 cultural domination, and loss of dignity. It strengthened his determination to 
rid Egypt of British and, more generally, Western influences.
>From the moment he arrived in Isma'iliyya, Al-Banna involved himself actively 
>in the life of the community. He made an effort to become acquainted with the 
>town's notables while reaching out to the broadest possible public. He 
>conducted night classes for his students' parents and led informal discussions 
>in the mosque, coffeehouses, clubs, and private homes. His basic message was 
>that Egypt had lost its soul; it had become politically sub-servient and 
>economically dependent because it had strayed from the path that had been laid 
>down by God. The only remedy to the decadence of state and society was to 
>reassert Islamic values and ways of life.
  It was to spread this message that Al-Banna launched the Society of the 
Muslim Brothers in March 1928. At first, the society was only one of the 
numerous small Islamic associations that existed at the time. Similar to those 
that Al-Banna himself had joined since he was 12, these associations aimed to 
promote personal piety and engaged in charitable activities. By the late 1930s, 
it had established branches in every Egyptian province. A decade later, it had 
500,000 active members and as many sympathizers in Egypt alone, while its 
appeal was now felt in several other countries as well. The society's growth 
was particularly pronounced after Al-Banna relocated its headquarters to Cairo 
in 1932. The single most important factor that made this dramatic expansion 
possible was the organizational and ideological leadership provided by Al-Banna.
  He endeavored to bring about the changes he hoped for through 
institution-building, relentless activism at the grassroots level, and a 
reliance on mass communication. He proceeded to build a complex mass movement 
that featured sophisticated governance structures; sections in charge of 
furthering the society's values among peasants, workers, and professionals; 
units entrusted with key functions, including propagation of the message, 
liaison with the Islamic world, and press and translation; and specialized 
committees for finances and legal affairs.
  In anchoring this organization into Egyptian society, Al-Banna skillfully 
relied on pre-existing social networks, in particular those built around 
mosques, Islamic welfare associations, and neighborhood groups. This weaving of 
traditional ties into a distinctively modern structure was at the root of his 
success. Directly attached to the brotherhood, and feeding its expansion, were 
numerous businesses, clinics, and schools. In addition, members were affiliated 
to the movement through a series of cells, revealingly called usar (families). 
The material, social and psychological support thus provided were instrumental 
to the movement's ability to generate enormous loyalty among its members and to 
attract new recruits. The services and organizational structure around which 
the society was built were intended to enable individuals to reintegrate into a 
distinctly Islamic setting, shaped by the society's own principles.
  Rooted in Islam, Al-Banna's message tackled issues including colonialism, 
public health, educational policy, natural resources management, Marxism, 
social inequalities, Arab nationalism, the weakness of the Islamic world on the 
international scene, and the growing conflict in Palestine. By emphasizing 
concerns that appealed to a variety of constituencies, Al-Banna was able to 
recruit from among a cross-section of Egyptian society — though modern-educated 
civil servants, office employees, and professionals remained dominant among the 
organization's activists and decisionmakers.
  As the society expanded during the 1930s, it quickly changed from a movement 
for spiritual and moral reform into an organization directly active on the 
Egyptian political scene. Concurrent with that transformation, radical 
tendencies asserted themselves within the organization. A "secret apparatus" 
(al-jihaz al-sirri) was formed that engineered a series of assassinations of 
enemies of the brotherhood.
  Between 1948 and 1949, shortly after the society sent volunteers to fight in 
the war in Palestine, the conflict between the monarchy and the society reached 
its climax. Concerned with the increasing assertiveness and popularity of the 
brotherhood, as well as with rumors that it was plotting a coup, Prime Minister 
Nuqrashi Pasha disbanded it in December 1948. The organization's assets were 
impounded and scores of its members sent to jail. Less than three weeks later, 
the prime minister was assassinated by a member of the brotherhood. This in 
turn prompted the murder of Al-Banna, presumably by a government agent, in 
February 1949, when Al-Banna was still only 43 and at the height of his career.
  Though the society never fully recovered from the loss of its charismatic 
founder, it survived. Since then, the brotherhood has remained a significant 
force in the politics of several Arab countries, either directly or through the 
movements it inspired. It appeals most to cultural conservatives who want their 
government and society to reflect and defend certain basic Islamic values and 
principles, and who favor a pragmatic and incremental approach to achieve these 
goals. The legacy of Al-Banna is thus still present, and will continue to shape 
the destiny of Arab societies in the new millennium. 


Edited by a_khalifa on 08 June 2005 at 2:14am 

ABDUL WAHID OSMAN BELAL
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