[Marxism] Cold war? NYT

[Anthony Boynton via Marxism]

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Sanders Is Stirring Cold War Angst. Young Voters Say, So What?

How Democratic voters feel about Bernie Sanders’s views on foreign policy
and socialist governments tends to split along generational lines.





The New York Times by Patricia Mazzei and Sydney Ember Feb. 28, 2020



MIAMI — In the spring of 1989, as the outgoing mayor of Burlington, Vt.,
Bernie Sanders and his wife, Jane, traveled to Cuba on an eight-day trip,
with the hopes of meeting the Cuban dictator, Fidel Castro.



The 47-year-old Mr. Sanders didn’t get time with Mr. Castro, but he toured
Havana, met with its mayor and marveled that visitors could take a cab
anywhere in the country. “The revolution there is far deeper and more
profound than I understood it to be,” he said back home, according to The
Burlington Free Press, and commended Cuba for providing free health care,
free education and free housing.



Many older Democrats with sharp memories of the Cold War have been baffled
and even offended by Mr. Sanders’s praise for the country — which is in the
spotlight after he repeated some of it on “60 Minutes” this week — and it
is one of the reasons they believe a self-described democratic socialist
like Mr. Sanders would be a risky presidential nominee.



“It was a colossal blunder,” said Bob Squires, 70, of Murrells Inlet, S.C.
“Loses Florida. If you look at Twitter, the people who had relatives come
from Cuba, they have quite a different view. Bernie’s got blinders on.”



But for many younger progressives, the negative reactions to Mr. Sanders’s
comments — which were also aired and debated in his 2016 presidential
campaign — seem like boomer panic and a pernicious form of red-baiting, and
reveal the divides within the Democratic Party.



“Socialism is a supposedly scary term that we’ve talked about so much, but
we really don’t understand,” said Nolan Lok, 18, a chemistry major at the
University of California, Los Angeles, where he cast a ballot early on
Wednesday, ahead of its primary next week.



“In a society where technology is so important, where it takes fewer people
to produce more things, we’re going to have to have a more socialistic
society, where the government needs to step in more,” he said. “The
government is going to be required to do more, and it’s something we should
welcome, not be afraid of.”



This generational divide among Democrats was vividly apparent in interviews
across the country this week assessing Mr. Sanders’s views and history,
which included trips to the Soviet Union and Nicaragua as Burlington’s
mayor as well as complimentary remarks about the Sandinistas. He has
repudiated American foreign policy backing anti-Communist governments and
resistance forces, and he has been fervently against war. But his remarks
about Mr. Castro stand out, like his expression of amazement in 1989 that
the Cubans he met “had almost a religious affection for him.”



Older liberals show varying support for Mr. Sanders’s positions, and the
generational split was less apparent in South Florida, where many Cubans,
Venezuelans and Nicaraguans do not like his views. Yet progressive voters
born after the end of the Cold War — many of them people of color —
dismissed the concerns about socialism as anachronistic and irrelevant.



For years in Washington, those left-wing views defined and to some extent
diminished Mr. Sanders, an independent congressman and then senator who was
widely regarded as a quirky outsider to the Democratic establishment. But
now as the front-runner for the party’s nomination, Mr. Sanders is being
pressured to explain his anti-imperialist worldview in the face of scrutiny
and criticism from his rivals.



Mr. Sanders, 78, was pilloried during Tuesday night’s debate in Charleston,
S.C., for his remarks on “60 Minutes” on Sunday, when he complimented the
literacy programs Mr. Castro had enacted. Pete Buttigieg, the former mayor
of South Bend, Ind., said Mr. Sanders had a “nostalgia for the
revolutionary politics of the 1960s” and lamented the prospect of “reliving
the Cold War.”



Mr. Buttigieg and other Democrats say Mr. Sanders’s views are not only
misguided but also reinforce his image as a socialist, which will make him
and other Democratic candidates down the ballot easy targets for President
Trump and Republicans. And if he were to win the nomination, his stances
could jeopardize his chances in Florida, the largest presidential general
election battleground, where there is little room for appreciation of the
1959 Communist Cuban revolution.



Mr. Sanders stood by those positions at the debate, where he criticized
U.S. policy in Latin America and repeated his praise for Mr. 

Re: [Marxism] Jesse Jackson on 'democratic socialism'

[Dayne Goodwin via Marxism]

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The Difference Between Democratic Socialism And Socialism
Stephanie Ruhle, NBC News
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=37WPYpmEGlc
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Re: [Marxism] How Netflix And "Manning Marable" Killed Malcolm X (The Third Time) - CounterPunch.org

[Dennis Brasky via Marxism]

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My thoughts exactly Dayne - for quite some time!

On Fri, Feb 28, 2020 at 8:05 PM Dayne Goodwin via Marxism <
marxism@lists.csbs.utah.edu> wrote:

>
> Important!  Thanks for setting the record straight, Richard.
> Unbelievable misrepresentation from Andrew Stewart.  Shocking despite
> already learning that it is a waste of my time to open messages from
> Andrew Stewart and "Washington Babylon."
> Dayne
>
>
>
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Re: [Marxism] How Netflix And "Manning Marable" Killed Malcolm X (The Third Time) - CounterPunch.org

[Dayne Goodwin via Marxism]

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Important!  Thanks for setting the record straight, Richard.
Unbelievable misrepresentation from Andrew Stewart.  Shocking despite
already learning that it is a waste of my time to open messages from
Andrew Stewart and "Washington Babylon."
Dayne

On Fri, Feb 28, 2020 at 12:00 PM Richard Fidler via Marxism
 wrote:
>> Andrew Stewart writes:
>> "[George] Breitman's Eurocentric Trotskyism articulates the claim that Black
>> nationalism is an ideological delusion that diverts from the revolutionary
>> cause. This is contrary to the Marxist-Leninist view, one embraced by Cuba 
>> and
>> China during the years El-Shabazz sought to build the bloc supporting the UN
>> petition, that the national liberation struggles are themselves 
>> revolutionary."
>
>
> This is an outrageous misrepresentation. Anyone who has read George Breitman 
> or
> who knew him personally (as I did) would consider the view attributed to him 
> by
> Stewart to be beyond reason or belief. Breitman was one of the most 
> far-sighted
> Marxist sympathizers of Black nationalism in the United States. He probably 
> did
> more than anyone else to publicize Malcolm's revolutionary legacy (the real
> legacy ignored by the Netflix series)...
> . . .
> Unfortunately, the book cited by Stewart (The Last Year of Malcolm X: The
> Evolution of a Revolutionary) is not on-line, although it can be purchased 
> from
> several sources. But anyone with a copy can see countless statements in it 
> that
> refute Stewart's libellous allegation. In particular, I recommend what 
> Breitman
> writes on pp. 55-56 and 66-69. As he states in the final paragraph of those
> pages:
>
> "[Malcolm's] uncertainty about the name to call himself arose from the fact 
> that
> he was doing something new in the United States -- he was on the way to a
> synthesis of black nationalism and socialism that would be fitting for the
> American scene and acceptable to the masses in the black ghetto. (An example 
> of
> the tendency of revolutionary nationalism to grow over into and become merged
> with socialism can be seen in Cuba, where Castro and his movement began as
> nationalist.) Malcolm did not complete this synthesis before he was
> assassinated. It remains for others to complete what he began."
>
> -- Richard


On Fri, Feb 28, 2020 at 12:00 PM Richard Fidler via Marxism
 wrote:
>
> Andrew Stewart writes:
>
> "[George] Breitman's Eurocentric Trotskyism articulates the claim that Black
> nationalism is an ideological delusion that diverts from the revolutionary
> cause. This is contrary to the Marxist-Leninist view, one embraced by Cuba and
> China during the years El-Shabazz sought to build the bloc supporting the UN
> petition, that the national liberation struggles are themselves 
> revolutionary."
>
> This is an outrageous misrepresentation. Anyone who has read George Breitman 
> or
> who knew him personally (as I did) would consider the view attributed to him 
> by
> Stewart to be beyond reason or belief. Breitman was one of the most 
> far-sighted
> Marxist sympathizers of Black nationalism in the United States. He probably 
> did
> more than anyone else to publicize Malcolm's revolutionary legacy (the real
> legacy ignored by the Netflix series). Consider just this one brief excerpt 
> from
> his extensive writings spanning several decades. It is from "In Defense of 
> Black
> Power," (October 1966), available with many other works in the Breitman 
> Archive
> on Marxists.org.:
>
> "Organizationally, the Black Power tendency is only in the early stages of its
> development; the various groups and individuals who have raised the Black 
> Power
> banner have not yet defined their relations to each other or united into a
> single movement or federation. But numerically it is already considerably
> stronger than the organized adherents of Malcolm's movement. The Student
> Non-violent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) and the Congress of Racial Equality
> (CORE), groups in the new tendency, are national organizations, with thousands
> of members or sympathizers. They have an experienced cadre of dedicated 
> leaders
> and activists, hardened in battle along many fronts and equipped with a 
> variety
> of skills. They represent the best of the new generation of young freedom
> fighters who appeared on the scene around 1960, with a consistently more
> militant outlook than that of previous generations and an enviable ability to
> learn from experience and grow.
>
> "Ideologically and politically, the Black Power tendency is also still in the
> process of crystallization. But its direction-to the left-is unmistakably
> indicated by the way it has broken away from 

[Marxism] The Idlib Turkey Shoot: The Destruction and Capture of Vehicles and Equipment by Turkish and Rebel Forces - Oryx Blog

[Louis Proyect via Marxism]

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https://spioenkop.blogspot.com/2020/02/the-idlib-turkey-shoot-destruction-and.html
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Re: [Marxism] Daniel J. Berrigan, Defiant Priest Who Preached Pacifism, Dies at 94

[Richard Fidler via Marxism]

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He died in 2016, as the article indicates.

-Original Message-
From: Marxism [mailto:marxism-boun...@lists.csbs.utah.edu] On Behalf Of Dennis
Brasky via Marxism
Sent: Friday, February 28, 2020 2:49 PM
To: rfid...@ncf.ca
Subject: [Marxism] Daniel J. Berrigan, Defiant Priest Who Preached Pacifism,
Dies at 94

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https://www.nytimes.com/2016/05/01/nyregion/daniel-j-berrigan-defiant-priest-who
-preached-pacifism-dies-at-94.html

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[Marxism] [SUSPICIOUS MESSAGE] Bernie Sanders and the Democratic Party shell game

[Louis Proyect via Marxism]

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https://secure-web.cisco.com/1_3AMzpp8PfC20-CAonUegnLagNdukXvbyiwUiDWI6EC6VAuv2vBkXtPmUguXYGJsNGRy6XiedDGYsbvykL3zn7OYhyA9e7urU9jl2by3D-A0EfJyAYr6hNfhkl7RIBxXpBwVb4AxPf396xXmmW75FrkJo_APGTwluYTZVnxWvkAEjIxgYg4GiIZKGQ0Gt0JQmUPP8E_say3kNfsPqWneKx_UvLgg4ZS1xtvsb7EhHGSazKnbL16WW61wigyJ0k4ryHS2q8wczOSDS5WA5GgDYRQjw1RgKUM6P8TtTaeefajUJMAqvd-9ai21dLNLKeuiRv-IV-9oEOFdojD2ROTi_VvFcCTmd24WAKFlkcrXJFoH4iWR-oODsvYkV5NoPauO/https%3A%2F%2Fsocialistresurgence.org%2F2020%2F02%2F28%2Fbernie-sanders-and-the-democratic-party-shell-game%2F

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[Marxism] Daniel J. Berrigan, Defiant Priest Who Preached Pacifism, Dies at 94

[Dennis Brasky via Marxism]

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https://www.nytimes.com/2016/05/01/nyregion/daniel-j-berrigan-defiant-priest-who-preached-pacifism-dies-at-94.html

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Re: [Marxism] How Netflix And "Manning Marable" Killed Malcolm X (The Third Time) - CounterPunch.org

[Richard Fidler via Marxism]

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Andrew Stewart writes: 

"[George] Breitman's Eurocentric Trotskyism articulates the claim that Black
nationalism is an ideological delusion that diverts from the revolutionary
cause. This is contrary to the Marxist-Leninist view, one embraced by Cuba and
China during the years El-Shabazz sought to build the bloc supporting the UN
petition, that the national liberation struggles are themselves revolutionary."

This is an outrageous misrepresentation. Anyone who has read George Breitman or
who knew him personally (as I did) would consider the view attributed to him by
Stewart to be beyond reason or belief. Breitman was one of the most far-sighted
Marxist sympathizers of Black nationalism in the United States. He probably did
more than anyone else to publicize Malcolm's revolutionary legacy (the real
legacy ignored by the Netflix series). Consider just this one brief excerpt from
his extensive writings spanning several decades. It is from "In Defense of Black
Power," (October 1966), available with many other works in the Breitman Archive
on Marxists.org.:

"Organizationally, the Black Power tendency is only in the early stages of its
development; the various groups and individuals who have raised the Black Power
banner have not yet defined their relations to each other or united into a
single movement or federation. But numerically it is already considerably
stronger than the organized adherents of Malcolm's movement. The Student
Non-violent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) and the Congress of Racial Equality
(CORE), groups in the new tendency, are national organizations, with thousands
of members or sympathizers. They have an experienced cadre of dedicated leaders
and activists, hardened in battle along many fronts and equipped with a variety
of skills. They represent the best of the new generation of young freedom
fighters who appeared on the scene around 1960, with a consistently more
militant outlook than that of previous generations and an enviable ability to
learn from experience and grow.

"Ideologically and politically, the Black Power tendency is also still in the
process of crystallization. But its direction-to the left-is unmistakably
indicated by the way it has broken away from several of the premises and
shibboleths of the old "civil rights" consensus. Internationalist and
anti-imperialist, it expresses solidarity with the worldwide struggle against
colonialism and neo-colonialism, condemns the US war in Vietnam and rejects the
contention that the freedom movement "should not mix civil rights and foreign
policy." It spurns the straitjacket of "non-violence" and proclaims the right of
self-defense. It challenges the fraudulent claim that freedom can be won through
the passage of a series of civil-rights laws that are largely un-enforced and
benefit mainly middle-class Negroes.

"Some of its adherents still believe in working inside the Democratic Party, but
others advocate a complete break with the Democrats and Republicans and the
establishment of independent black or black-led parties - not only in Lowndes
County, Ala., but in the Northern ghettos. Some accept capitalism; others are
talking rather vaguely about a cooperative based economy for the black community
that they think would be neither capitalist nor socialist; and there is also
evidently a pro-socialist grouping, as was shown when delegates at a Black Power
planning conference in Washington Sept. 3 posed the need to "determine which is
more politically feasible for the advancement of black power, capitalism or
socialism."

Unfortunately, the book cited by Stewart (The Last Year of Malcolm X: The
Evolution of a Revolutionary) is not on-line, although it can be purchased from
several sources. But anyone with a copy can see countless statements in it that
refute Stewart's libellous allegation. In particular, I recommend what Breitman
writes on pp. 55-56 and 66-69. As he states in the final paragraph of those
pages:

"[Malcolm's] uncertainty about the name to call himself arose from the fact that
he was doing something new in the United States -- he was on the way to a
synthesis of black nationalism and socialism that would be fitting for the
American scene and acceptable to the masses in the black ghetto. (An example of
the tendency of revolutionary nationalism to grow over into and become merged
with socialism can be seen in Cuba, where Castro and his movement began as
nationalist.) Malcolm did not complete this synthesis before he was
assassinated. It remains for others to complete what he began."

-- Richard

-Original Message-
From: Marxism [mailto:marxism-boun...@lists.csbs.utah.edu] On Behalf Of Andrew
Stewart 

[Marxism] Social Contagion | Chuang

[Louis Proyect via Marxism]

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Wuhan is known colloquially as one of the “four furnaces” (四大火炉) of 
China for its oppressively hot humid summer, shared with Chongqing, 
Nanjing and alternately Nanchang or Changsha, all bustling cities with 
long histories along or near the Yangtze river valley. Of the four, 
Wuhan, however, is also sprinkled with literal furnaces: the massive 
urban complex acts as a sort of nucleus for the steel, concrete and 
other construction-related industries of China, its landscape dotted 
with the slowly-cooling blast furnaces of the remnant state-owned iron 
and steel foundries, now plagued by overproduction and forced into a 
contentious new round of downsizing, privatization and general 
restructuring—itself resulting in several large strikes and protests in 
the last five years. The city is essentially the construction capital of 
China, which means it has played a particularly important role in the 
period after the global economic crisis, since these were the years in 
which Chinese growth was buoyed by the funneling of investment funds 
into infrastructure and real estate projects. Wuhan not only fed this 
bubble with its oversupply of building materials and civil engineers but 
also, in so doing, became a real estate boomtown of its own. According 
to our own calculations, in 2018-2019 the total area dedicated to 
construction sites in Wuhan was equivalent to the size of Hong Kong 
island as a whole.


But now this furnace driving the post-crisis Chinese economy seems, much 
like those found in its iron and steel foundries, to be cooling. Though 
this process was already well underway, the metaphor is now no longer 
simply economic, either, as the once-bustling city has been sealed off 
for over a month, its streets emptied by government mandate: “The 
greatest contribution you can make is: don’t gather together, don’t 
cause chaos,” read a headline in the Guangming Daily, run by the Chinese 
Communist Party’s propaganda department. Today the Wuhan’s broad new 
avenues and the glittering steel and glass buildings that crown them are 
all cold and hollow, as winter dwindles through the Lunar New Year and 
the city stagnates under the constriction of the wide-ranging 
quarantine. Isolating oneself is sound advice for anyone in China, where 
the outbreak of the novel coronavirus (recently renamed “SARS-CoV-2” and 
its disease “COVID-19”) has killed more than two thousand people—more 
than its predecessor, the SARS epidemic of 2003. The entire country is 
on lockdown, as it was during SARS. Schools are closed, and people are 
cooped up in their homes nationwide. Nearly all economic activity 
stopped for the Lunar New Year holiday on January 25th, but the pause 
was extended for a month to curb the spread of the epidemic. The 
furnaces of China seem to have stopped burning, or at least to have been 
reduced to gently glowing coals.  In a way, though, the city has become 
another type of furnace, as the coronavirus burns through its massive 
population like a fever writ large.


full: http://chuangcn.org/2020/02/social-contagion/
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[Marxism] Become Unreasonable | Commune

[Louis Proyect via Marxism]

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The following collects viewpoints from the COLA movement, COLA4ALL, and 
the People’s Coalition at University of California at Santa Cruz (UCSC). 
These groups are fighting for a graduate student cost-of-living 
adjustment at UCSC.


https://communemag.com/become-unreasonable/
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[Marxism] Unions Push F.T.C. to Study if Amazon Warps the Economy

[Andrew Pollack via Marxism]

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https://www.nytimes.com/2020/02/27/technology/amazon-unions-ftc.html
Unions Push F.T.C. to Study if Amazon Warps the Economy
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[Marxism] Fwd: H-Net Review [H-Japan]: Kranz on Ren and Ikeda and Woo, 'Media, Sport, Nationalism: East Asia: Soft Power Projection via the Modern Olympic Games. Essays in Honour of Professor J. A. Ma

[Andrew Stewart via Marxism]

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Best regards,
Andrew Stewart 
- - -
Subscribe to the Washington Babylon newsletter via 
https://washingtonbabylon.com/newsletter/

Begin forwarded message:

> From: H-Net Staff via H-REVIEW 
> Date: February 28, 2020 at 9:42:57 AM EST
> To: h-rev...@lists.h-net.org
> Cc: H-Net Staff 
> Subject: H-Net Review [H-Japan]:  Kranz on Ren and  Ikeda and  Woo, 'Media, 
> Sport, Nationalism: East Asia: Soft Power Projection via the Modern Olympic 
> Games. Essays in Honour of Professor J. A. Mangan's Contributions to East 
> Asian Studies'
> Reply-To: h-rev...@lists.h-net.org
> 
> Tianwei Ren, Keiko Ikeda, Chang Wan Woo, eds.  Media, Sport, 
> Nationalism: East Asia: Soft Power Projection via the Modern Olympic 
> Games. Essays in Honour of Professor J. A. Mangan's Contributions to 
> East Asian Studies.  Berlin  Logos Verlag Berlin, 2019.  320 pp.  
> $66.00 (paper), ISBN 978-3-8325-4651-9.
> 
> Reviewed by Susanne Kranz (Independent Scholar)
> Published on H-Japan (February, 2020)
> Commissioned by Martha Chaiklin
> 
> This volume, written in memory of J. A. Mangan, a leading academic 
> and editor in the field of sports studies, expands the discourse on 
> sports, nationalism, and the media as part of the larger framework of 
> soft power and its use in East Asia's political and economic 
> development. It is a comprehensive collection of essays that offers 
> various insights into the field of sports studies and its undeniable 
> impact on politics in a region that has not received sufficient 
> attention in this particular specialization. The rationale behind 
> this book is to draw attention to the complexities of soft power 
> itself and the complex relationship between sports, nationalism, and 
> the media. The book explores the nature of nationalism and its impact 
> on East Asia, in particular China, Japan, and South Korea, during a 
> particular time in their development processes as nation-states and 
> sports nations. Given their historical, political, and economic 
> variances, these three nations faced divergent issues, hence used 
> their soft power via the Olympic Games differently. The volume is 
> divided into four sections: "China," "Japan," "South Korea," and 
> "International Perceptions," each containing three chapters. 
> 
> The book starts with a preamble and prologue outlining its major 
> arguments and concerns. At the outset of the volume, William W. Kelly 
> and Tianwei Ren offer a general overview of the Olympic movement in 
> relation to the two major themes of the book, media and nationalism, 
> before presenting a closer look at the particularities of East Asia 
> and its sports history and socioeconomic and sociopolitical 
> developments. The authors highlight the sociopolitical changes in the 
> region, the economic growth patterns of the states in question, and 
> the long-term consequences of sports on nationalism and the media. 
> They distinguish between different types of media, keeping in mind 
> the enormous shifts and developments in that area and its impact on 
> sports but also the region as a tremendous power in the field of 
> sports. The authors formulate a clear distinction between the three 
> countries and the Olympic Games hosted in each country. They place 
> them within their specific historical and political contexts, since 
> "the past has provided the three nations with distinctive political 
> 'personalities'" (p. 9). In addition, they discuss the importance of 
> the Olympic Games, "an unparalleled extravaganza," in particular (p. 
> 11). Both sections nicely introduce the themes of the book, providing 
> the relevant backdrop to this volume. However, they could have been 
> combined into one introductory chapter to avoid repetition. 
> Additionally, a short discussion of soft power in East Asia would 
> have added context into this informative and essential section of the 
> book. 
> 
> Chapter 1 examines broadly the relationship between Chinese 
> nationalism and the media. It provides a short historical background 
> to Chinese nationalism and sports before endeavoring to analyze the 
> relationship between elite athletes, the media, and the nation-state. 
> It draws attention to the importance of sports under socialism and 
> the Chinese sports system, which distinguishes it from the other two 
> countries in this volume. Richard Xiaoqian and Junjian Liang 
> introduce the idea of heroism, in this case a specific Chinese 
> socialist sports hero, and pay some attention to gender, a topic that 
> deserves much deeper analysis, given the gender-neutral portrayal of 
> Chinese athletes. In chapter 2, Ren also picks up the image of the 
> 

[Marxism] Fwd: H-Net Review [H-Poland]: Bell on Müller, 'If the Walls Could Speak: Inside a Women's Prison in Communist Poland'

[Andrew Stewart via Marxism]

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Best regards,
Andrew Stewart 
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Begin forwarded message:

> From: H-Net Staff via H-REVIEW 
> Date: February 28, 2020 at 9:26:33 AM EST
> To: h-rev...@lists.h-net.org
> Cc: H-Net Staff 
> Subject: H-Net Review [H-Poland]:  Bell on Müller,  'If the Walls Could 
> Speak: Inside a Women's Prison in Communist Poland'
> Reply-To: h-rev...@lists.h-net.org
> 
> Anna Müller.  If the Walls Could Speak: Inside a Women's Prison in 
> Communist Poland.  Oxford  Oxford University Press, 2017.  344 pp.  
> $74.00 (cloth), ISBN 978-0-19-049986-0.
> 
> Reviewed by Wilson T. Bell (Thompson Rivers University)
> Published on H-Poland (February, 2020)
> Commissioned by Gary Roth
> 
> Women in Prison in Communist Poland
> 
> While there is now a robust and growing English-language 
> historiography of the Soviet Union's system of prison camps, the 
> academic literature on prison systems in the USSR's Eastern European 
> satellite countries is mostly confined to local-language studies. 
> Anna Müller's _If the Walls Could Speak: Inside a Women's Prison in 
> Communist Poland _is thus a welcome and necessary edition to 
> Anglophone scholarship on Soviet-style incarceration. Yet the book 
> does more than simply help fill a scholarly lacuna: it is engaging, 
> thought-provoking, and meticulously researched, a model of how to 
> combine extensive oral history with in-depth archival work. 
> 
> Müller's book begins in an unusual way, with a sixteen-page section 
> titled "_Dramatis Personae_," which acts as a useful biographical 
> guide to the women described in the book and also hints at an almost 
> theatrical production, suggesting that readers engage with the text 
> as if a script, picturing the scenes in their imaginations. Müller 
> organizes the book into five chapters, focused on questions of daily 
> life for women in prisons in the first years of the communist period, 
> from roughly the mid-1940s to the mid-1950s. Despite the singular 
> "prison" in the title, the book describes the lives and experiences 
> of women at multiple prisons, mostly Mokotów, Lublin Castle, and 
> Fordon. The introduction and chapter 1 lay out the background for the 
> women's stories, highlighting source issues, describing the types of 
> women imprisoned, and, particularly in chapter 1, giving a brief 
> history of imprisonment in Poland. The remaining chapters are 
> thematic, focusing on arrest and interrogation (chapter 2), adjusting 
> to life in a prison cell (chapter 3), prison relationships (chapter 
> 4), and boredom (chapter 5). 
> 
> As suggested by the section "_Dramatis Personae_," some of the 
> individual women's stories are quite dramatic. Felicja Wolff, for 
> example, was a woman with multiple identities and involved in 
> anticommunist resistance, who managed to confuse and outwit the 
> authorities for several years; even though they arrested and 
> imprisoned her, they never quite realized the extent of her 
> resistance work. Many of the women had resisted both the Nazis and 
> the communist takeover. There were also communist believers who 
> supported the new regime but nevertheless were caught up in cycles of 
> arrests, such as Stanisława Sowińska, who implicated comrades in 
> supposedly undercover resistance activities but "never admitted her 
> own conscious collaboration" (p. 97). Müller is careful to underline 
> the complexity and humanity of the women she describes, focusing on 
> how they helped shape their own stories, even in the face of harsh 
> and abusive interrogations or torture.  
> 
> Partly due to Müller's frequent use of the term "Stalinist" to 
> describe the prison system, and partly due to my own expertise in the 
> Stalin-era Gulag, I was quite attentive to potential comparisons and 
> contrasts between the Polish and Soviet systems of incarceration. 
> Some of the contrasts immediately jump out. In the Soviet Union, a 
> very high percentage of those arrested for political crimes (Article 
> 58: Counter-Revolutionary Crimes) were convicted due to fabricated 
> evidence and coerced "confessions" and had not, in fact, been 
> involved in any anti-Soviet organizations or activities. In contrast, 
> many of the women described in _If the Walls Could Speak _were, 
> understandably, active participants in underground anticommunist 
> organizations in Poland. In the Soviet Union, the authorities used 
> prisons mostly for pre-sentencing remand; almost all prisoners were 
> sent to labor camps or colonies (the Gulag) post sentencing. In 
> Poland, however, the prison was the main 

[Marxism] Naqd [negation]: A Critical Marxist Analytic Journal in Arabic

[khatoun17 via Marxism]

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Attention Arabic speakers and readers:

https://naqd-journal.com/
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Re: [Marxism] Democratic Leaders Willing to Risk Party Damage to Stop Bernie Sanders

[Mark Lause via Marxism]

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 The dominant cliques in the Democratic Party have periodically
demonstrated their willingness to let the party lose an election to the
Republicans rather than to lose their control of the party.  This is why
the Sanders strategy is ultimately suicidal.

That is, were Sanders to to win the nomination, they will happily step back
and McGovern him.

And, if he won the presidential election, they'd demonstrate their
prediction that he couldn't get anything through the Senate by joining the
Republicans to squelch anything they view as damaging to the "the party,"
ie. the big donors.

There are no short cuts.  Heaven knows, if there was one, I'd be the first
to buy a ticket.
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[Marxism] Democratic Leaders Willing to Risk Party Damage to Stop Bernie Sanders

[Louis Proyect via Marxism]

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("Mr. Sanders argued that he should become the nominee at the convention 
with a plurality of delegates, to reflect the will of voters, and that 
denying him the nomination would enrage his supporters and split the 
party for years to come." Is that so? What will they do if Sanders ends 
up backing the candidate who a brokered convention produces, like 
Sherrod Brown who is cited in the article? Will they be enraged at him? 
Will they put pressure on Sanders to run as an independent? That would 
be the logical response to such an undemocratic act but I am afraid that 
Sanders and most of his supporters would view starting a new party as 
"unrealistic". As for me, I say three cheers for being unrealistic.)



NY Times, Feb. 28, 2020
Democratic Leaders Willing to Risk Party Damage to Stop Bernie Sanders
By Lisa Lerer and Reid J. Epstein

WASHINGTON — House Speaker Nancy Pelosi and Senator Chuck Schumer, the 
minority leader, hear constant warnings from allies about congressional 
losses in November if the party nominates Bernie Sanders for president. 
Democratic House members share their Sanders fears on text-messaging 
chains. Bill Clinton, in calls with old friends, vents about the party 
getting wiped out in the general election.


And officials in the national and state parties are increasingly anxious 
about splintered primaries on Super Tuesday and beyond, where the 
liberal Mr. Sanders, of Vermont, edges out moderate candidates who 
collectively win more votes.


Dozens of interviews with Democratic establishment leaders this week 
show that they are not just worried about Mr. Sanders’s candidacy, but 
are also willing to risk intraparty damage to stop his nomination at the 
national convention in July if they get the chance. Since Mr. Sanders’s 
victory in Nevada’s caucuses on Saturday, The Times has interviewed 93 
party officials — all of them superdelegates, who could have a say on 
the nominee at the convention — and found overwhelming opposition to 
handing the Vermont senator the nomination if he arrived with the most 
delegates but fell short of a majority.


Such a situation may result in a brokered convention, a messy political 
battle the likes of which Democrats have not seen since 1952, when the 
nominee was Adlai Stevenson.


“We’re way, way, way past the day where party leaders can determine an 
outcome here, but I think there’s a vibrant conversation about whether 
there is anything that can be done,” said Jim Himes, a Connecticut 
congressman and superdelegate, who believe the nominee should have a 
majority of delegates.


From California to the Carolinas, and North Dakota to Ohio, the party 
leaders say they worry that Mr. Sanders, a democratic socialist with 
passionate but limited support so far, will lose to President Trump, and 
drag down moderate House and Senate candidates in swing states with his 
left-wing agenda of “Medicare for all” and free four-year public college.


Mr. Sanders and his advisers insist that the opposite is true — that his 
ideas will generate huge excitement among young and working-class 
voters, and lead to record turnout. Such hopes have yet to be borne out 
in nominating contests so far.


Jay Jacobs, the New York State Democratic Party chairman and a 
superdelegate, echoing many others interviewed, said that superdelegates 
should choose a nominee they believed had the best chance of defeating 
Mr. Trump if no candidate wins a majority of delegates during the 
primaries. Mr. Sanders argued that he should become the nominee at the 
convention with a plurality of delegates, to reflect the will of voters, 
and that denying him the nomination would enrage his supporters and 
split the party for years to come.


“Bernie wants to redefine the rules and just say he just needs a 
plurality,” Mr. Jacobs said. “I don’t think we buy that. I don’t think 
the mainstream of the Democratic Party buys that. If he doesn’t have a 
majority, it stands to reason that he may not become the nominee.”


This article is based on interviews with the 93 superdelegates, out of 
771 total, as well as party strategists and aides to senior Democrats 
about the thinking of party leaders. A vast majority of those 
superdelegates — whose ranks include federal elected officials, former 
presidents and vice presidents and D.N.C. members — predicted that no 
candidate would clinch the nomination during the primaries, and that 
there would be a brokered convention fight in July to choose a nominee.


In a reflection of the establishment’s wariness about Mr. Sanders, only 
nine of the 93 superdelegates interviewed said that Mr. Sanders should 
become the nominee purely 

[Marxism] In the Battle for Idlib in Syria, Turkey Strikes Assad’s Forces for the First Time

[Louis Proyect via Marxism]

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By Aron Lund.

While Putin has no love for the Turkish-backed Islamists in control of 
much of Idlib and seems to be fine with Assad’s gruesome tactics, his 
interests are in fact split, since Russia is deeply invested in its 
relationship with Erdogan. As a major trade and energy partner with 
enduring influence along Russia’s southern border, and a powerful but 
politically awkward role in NATO, Turkey holds enormous strategic 
importance to the Kremlin.


Over the past few years, Russia has had no qualms about poking Turkey to 
test its reactions and demand concessions. But now that Ankara has 
lashed out against Putin's Syrian ally, will Moscow respond in kind or 
seek a compromise?


The answer may depend on how ambitious Erdogan’s agenda really is. If 
Ankara is simply seeking to deter attacks on Turkish soldiers in Idlib, 
Russia might offer some pro forma criticism in public but will probably 
signal its understanding in private. However, Moscow might have a harder 
time accepting if Turkey tries to obstruct Assad’s progress along the 
vital M5.


full: 
https://www.worldpoliticsreview.com/articles/28516/in-the-battle-for-idlib-in-syria-turkey-strikes-assad-s-forces-for-the-first-time

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[Marxism] 'She exists out of time': Umm Kulthum, Arab music's eternal star | Music | The Guardian

[Louis Proyect via Marxism]

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https://www.theguardian.com/music/2020/feb/28/she-exists-out-of-time-umm-kulthum-arab-musics-eternal-star
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Re: [Marxism] Syria: Slaughter in Idlib (re: How Much Does the Pentagon Pay for the YPG?)

[MM via Marxism]

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> On Feb 28, 2020, at 5:01 AM, Chris Slee via Marxism 
>  wrote:
> 
> Michael, can you send a link to this article on Saraqeb.
> 
> Chris Slee


I’m sure Michael is referring to this one: 
https://www.theguardian.com/world/2020/feb/10/fall-of-syrian-town-delivers-strategic-and-symbolic-prize-to-assad

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Re: [Marxism] How Netflix And “Manning Marable” Killed Malcolm X (The Third Time) - CounterPunch.org

[Louis Proyect via Marxism]

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On 2/28/20 6:50 AM, Andrew Stewart via Marxism wrote:

https://www.counterpunch.org/2020/02/28/how-netflix-and-manning-marable-killed-malcolm-x-the-third-time/



"Breitman’s Eurocentric Trotskyism articulates the claim that Black 
nationalism is an ideological delusion that diverts from the 
revolutionary cause."


Really? That's news to me.
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[Marxism] "White Supremacy goes Green"

[John Reimann via Marxism]

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From the NY Times
https://www.nytimes.com/2020/02/28/opinion/far-right-climate-change.html?action=click=Opinion=Homepage

"From France to Washington to New Zealand, angry voices on the hard right —
nationalists, populists and others beyond conventional conservatism — are
picking up environmental tropes and adapting them to a moment charged with
fears for the future. In doing so, they are giving potent new framing to a
set of issues more typically associated with the left. Often, they
emphasize what they see as the deep ties between a nation’s land and its
people to exclude those they believe do not belong. Some twist scientific
terms such as “invasive species” — foreign plants or animals that spread
unchecked in a new ecosystem — to target immigrants and racial and ethnic
minorities. And here’s what really frightens me: This dynamic is likely to
intensify as climate change creates new stresses that could pit nations and
groups against one another.

Although the pressures of a warming planet are new, the deployment of
environmental rhetoric for racist, nativist and nationalistic ends has a
long, dark history

The neo-Nazi group Northwest Front, which advocates expelling people of
color from the Pacific Northwest, appropriated a flag designed by a
left-wing activist, reframing it with the slogan “The sky is the blue, and
the land is the green. The white is for the people in between.” In
Slovakia, far-right activists invoking the centrality of forests to
national identity accuse members of the Roma ethnic minority of damaging
them with excessive firewood gathering, Balsa Lubarda, a Central European
University doctoral candidate studying the radical right, told me.

Of course, many on the nationalist right deny the scientific consensus on
climate change, so the ecological concerns they cite are more local.
Others, though, accept the reality of global warming and view it “through
the prism of white nationalism

President Trump tapped into this rhetoric in December. Responding to a
question about the climate during a visit to London, he added a point about
pollution in the ocean. “Certain countries are dumping unlimited loads of
things in it,” he said. “They tend to float toward the United States.” He
did not specify particular countries, but the comment echoed plastic
producers’ contention that much oceanic garbage comes from a handful of
Asian nations that lack effective waste management. When I listened to Mr.
Trump, I realized that what he said was freighted with something more than
a corporate effort to pass the buck. He was casting plastic pollution as a
threat that foreigners were visiting upon the United States

The Fox News host Tucker Carlson has made similar arguments, falsely
claiming in an interview with The Atlantic that the Potomac River has
gotten dirtier “and that litter is left almost exclusively by immigrants.”
The month before, he asked why environmentalists want to let refugees into
the United States: “Isn’t crowding your country the fastest way to despoil
it, to pollute it?”

It is not hard to see why such ideas are making a comeback. As the
relentlessness of environmental calamity — epic fires and floods,
escalating extinctions, warming oceans — becomes impossible to ignore, the
right needs a way to talk about it. Nationalistic framings fit comfortably
with a worldview many already hold. And for the so-called alt right, they
offer the bonus of a cudgel for bashing establishment conservatives as
beholden to globalist, corporate interests.

Some radicals are drawn to apocalyptic climate scenarios, seeing openings
for authoritarianism or a complete societal breakdown. “They want to
accelerate it,” said Blair Taylor, program director at the Institute for
Social Ecology, a left-wing educational center, who has studied such
groups. “So after the downfall they can set up their fascist ethno-states,
they can be the Übermensch.” Violent actors are grabbing hold of such
ideas. The killers accused of massacring Muslims and Mexican immigrants
last year in New Zealand and Texas posted online manifestoes weaving white
supremacy with environmental rhetoric.

The Australian man who allegedly murdered 51 people at two Christchurch
mosques called himself an “ethnonationalist eco-fascist” and wrote that
“continued immigration into Europe is environmental warfare.” 

If there’s one thing Americans have learned in the Trump era, it is that
toxic ideas can move between the fringes and the political realm with
stunning speed. Marine Le Pen, leader of France’s far-right National Rally
— now the country’s main opposition party — has incorporated worries about
the natural world into 

[Marxism] How Netflix And “Manning Marable” Killed Malcolm X (The Third Time) - CounterPunch.org

[Andrew Stewart via Marxism]

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https://www.counterpunch.org/2020/02/28/how-netflix-and-manning-marable-killed-malcolm-x-the-third-time/


Best regards,
Andrew Stewart 
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Re: [Marxism] Syria: Slaughter in Idlib (re: How Much Does the Pentagon Pay for the YPG?)

[Chris Slee via Marxism]

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Michael, can you send a link to this article on Saraqeb.

Chris Slee

From: Marxism  on behalf of mkaradjis . 
via Marxism 
Sent: Friday, 28 February 2020 12:36:37 PM
To: Chris Slee 
Subject: Re: [Marxism] Syria: Slaughter in Idlib (re: How Much Does the 
Pentagon Pay for the YPG?)

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On Saraqeb this is a quote from the article Gilbert sent:

“We wanted a free Syria for all Syrians but they wanted an Islamic state.
We continued against all the odds: we challenged the regime, Ahrar al-Sham,
Islamic State and al-Nusra. In the end the jihadists took over but we left
our city with dignity knowing how much we endured to keep Saraqeb free.”
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