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Syriza and Its Discontents
by Peter Bratsis
Truthout
<http://www.truth-out.org/opinion/item/29790-syriza-and-its-discontents>

[Bratsis writes about the "four months" time (of 2/20 arrangement) but
one month has already passed.]


One of the key talking points for Greece's Prime Minister Alexis
Tsipras and the Syriza leadership for the last few years has been that
political power is not "won" in elections; that power must be created;
that it comes from below. Tsipras often noted that without people on
the streets, making demands, pushing the government, demonstrating
popular will, a Syriza regime would not be able to achieve its
promises and goals.
. . .
If the temporary deal with the Eurogroup is going to lead to disaster
it is not because the Greek people will lose faith in the Syriza
government and withdraw support, nor is it because it will demobilize
social movements and keep them from actively asserting their
preferences and interests in support of Syriza initiatives. We have
already seen that public opinion is of no consequence, actions matter,
and that protests and strikes are of similarly little consequence
today if they do not transform the everyday. The real risk, in my
opinion, is that the fear of the Syriza government in alienating
segments of the Greek public, combined with a obsession with economic
questions and implementing the Thessaloniki program without any delays
or changes, will take away all attention from making the changes to
political practice and everyday life that are necessary for new a
political power to emerge and replace the old.
. . .
The question of austerity has overwhelmed all political discussions
inside and outside Syriza. This is not surprising. However, it has set
up a set of false divisions between those who disagree on how best to
undo austerity in Greece. Must the efforts be Europeanist in character
or can a more traditional patriotic and nationalist effort be more
effective? Must banks be nationalized or can economic growth be
furthered through private control? At what price does it make sense to
privatize public assets? And, most centrally, can Greece stay in the
eurozone and end austerity or must a return to a national currency
occur so that Greece can regain the political sovereignty necessary
for imposing a new set of policies. One side presents itself as the
more "left" option, but the differences are fundamentally ones of
tactics and not of values or principles.
. . .
The dangers that the current debates within and about Syriza present
us with are two-fold. On the one hand, the forces within Syriza risk
polarizing themselves over tactical differences rather than
fundamental divisions of goals and values. On the other hand, it is
precisely these common goals that have limited the discussion to how
to undo austerity and have kept us from exploring ways to transform
the political and cultural routines of Greek society so as to create
new modalities of political power.
. . .
____________
Peter Bratsis is associate director of the Center for the Study of
Culture, Technology and Work at the Graduate Center and assistant
professor of political science at Borough of Manhattan Community
College of the City University of New York.  He is the author of
Everyday Life and the State, editor (with Stanley Aronowitz) of
Paradigm Lost: State Theory Reconsidered, and edits the journal
Situations: Project of the Radical Imagination.
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