Benjamin Davis <http://epa.cpusa.org/Photos/BenjaminDavis.jpg> 
The legacy of Benjamin J. Davis
________________________________


Ben Davis was born September 8, 1903, in Dawson, Ga. He grew up in a
relatively privileged African American home. His father was the editor and
publisher of the Atlanta Independent, a Black paper with a wide distribution
throughout the South, and was also a member of the Republican National
Committee. 

Davis attended Morehouse College in Atlanta, then Amherst College in
Massachusetts, where he secured his B.A. degree. From there he entered
Harvard Law School, graduating in 1930 at the age of 27. Eminent scholar
W.E.B. Du Bois, who knew him as a student activist at Morehouse, said Davis
never thought of his own advancement as apart from that of his people and
the working class. 

After finishing law school, in the midst of the Great Depression, Davis
returned to Atlanta to practice law. One of his first cases was that of
Angelo Herndon, African American leader of the local Young Communist League,
who had organized a large hunger march of Black and white unemployed to
Atlanta's City Hall demanding jobs or bread. It was virtually illegal for
Blacks and whites to march together. Seeing Blacks and whites united in
struggle in the Jim Crow South around basic economic issues frightened the
racist establishment. The police were ordered to stop the march, Herndon was
roughed up, arrested and charged with insurrection based on an old statute
left over from slavery. 

The Herndon case, like the Scottsboro case, was shrouded in racism. It also
raised the related issue of the right of working people to organize in
defense of their class. 

The International Labor Defense headed by William L. Patterson was called in
to defend Herndon. When local racist establishment lawyers refused to take
the case, young Ben Davis agreed to become Herndon's attorney. Davis
described the trial as a turning point in his life, saying, "In the course
of trying that case I suffered some of the worst treatment along with my
client, with the judge calling me 'n---' and 'darkie' and threatening to
jail me." 

Herndon was convicted, but the ongoing campaign of organizations like the
ILD led to his early release from prison. 

As a result of that experience, Davis joined the Communist Party. As he put
it, "It required only a moment to join but my whole lifetime as an American
Negro prepared me for that moment." 

Putting aside the pursuit of personal wealth and power, Davis dedicated his
life to the liberation of his people. 

In 1935 he moved to New York and became editor of the Negro Liberator, and
later of the Party's newspaper, the Daily Worker. 

As Harlem organizer of the Party, Ben became a widely respected and popular
figure. He led hundreds of actions against racism and discrimination, and
helped build grass-roots coalitions with labor, churches, fraternal
organizations, and tenants' groups in Harlem. He worked closely with Rev.
Adam Clayton Powell in many successful battles, including the "don't buy
where you can't work" campaign to integrate the workforce on Harlem's famed
125th Street, and the "pay your utility bill in pennies" campaign which
forced Con Edison to hire Black workers. Through these experiences, Davis
and Powell developed a strong friendship and mutual trust. 

Davis was an internationalist who saw the struggle for the day-to-day needs
of the African American masses as linked to the struggle against imperialism
and capitalism. He was an outspoken supporter of socialism and solidarity
with the struggle for African liberation. He strongly supported the Soviet
Union and recognized its role in the worldwide struggle for liberation. He
won the respect and admiration of working people in Harlem because of his
consistent commitment to freedom. 

In 1943, after Powell was elected to Congress, Davis was elected to Powell's
City Council seat, becoming the second African American elected to the
Council from Harlem. He was reelected in 1945 by a wider margin. 

Powell enthusiastically backed Davis, saying in his endorsement statement,
"Mr. Davis' long record in the fight against discrimination and poll-taxes
justifies his election. We have got to wipe Jim Crow out of New York City
and Mr. Davis is the man to carry the fight where I left off in the City
Council." 

In the City Council, along with his comrade Peter V. Cacchione, Davis waged
many battles for justice for New York's working people. 

Long-time Harlem resident and close comrade and friend William L Patterson,
of "We Charge Genocide" fame, said Davis saw his role "not to help the rich
rob the poor," but "to awaken the people as to what they had to do to see
that the city's slums were destroyed and that the Black ghettos, cursed with
imposed vice, were turned into showplaces of pride and beauty." 

As a council member, Davis won passage of the first resolution declaring
Feb. 13-19 Negro History Week. During his tenure he introduced 25 bills to
protect African American rights, halt evictions, open new housing, protect
tenants' rights and stop police brutality. He opposed restrictive covenants
in renting and construction of homes; fought for an end to racist jury
selection; fought reduction of the West Indian immigration quota; called for
legalization of rent strikes; and opposed the anti-labor Taft-Hartley law.
He used the forum of the City Council to push for an end to the Cold War,
colonialism and war. 

When Davis ran for office he was supported by some of the most popular
cultural figures of the day. Paul Robeson, Billie Holiday, Ella Fitzgerald,
and pianist Teddy Wilson were among the sponsors of his victory reception.
He was known to put on the best fundraising parties in Harlem. One was so
large it had to be held in the Harlem Armory. 

When the McCarthy period hit, Davis was a prime target. He was tried and
imprisoned with 11 other Communist Party leaders under the infamous
anti-Communist Smith Act, basically because of their political beliefs.
Addressing the court after his conviction, Davis said, "The real crime
committed is against peace, progress and democracy, against the working
class, and my people, the Negro people." 

Davis served five years in federal prison and lost his council seat. This
was a sad day for democratic rights, and a setback in the struggle for
liberation, peace and social justice, especially for the people of Harlem. 

After his release from prison, Davis resumed his political activities
despite failing health. He and Gus Hall became the two national
spokespersons of the Communist Party USA as the battle raged to defeat the
remnants of McCarthyism. The repressive Smith and McCarran Acts, forerunners
of today's Patriot Act, were used against Communists and other progressives
in the 1950s to crush dissent. The McCarran Act was later ruled
unconstitutional, but great damage had been done not only to the Communist
Party but also to the broad movements for economic, social and political
justice. 

In 1962 Davis made a national college speaking tour, drawing crowds at
schools including Harvard, Columbia, Amherst, Oberlin and the University of
Minnesota. Ironically, the City College of New York, in his old councilmanic
district, barred Davis from speaking on its campus. After a student protest
he spoke on the street. 

Despite the government's attempts to isolate and silence him, Davis retained
considerable respect and influence in Harlem and in civil rights and labor
circles across the country. As one of his last political efforts, he helped
promote the 1963 March on Washington. He died on Aug. 22, 1964. 

Ben Davis was a great revolutionary Black man, a man of the people, an
inspiration to all who knew of him. 

Every attempt has been made to erase his legacy from the collective memory
of the people of Harlem and New York. Sad to say, there is no street, school
or park that bears his name. That needs to be corrected. 

In this centennial year of his birth we should celebrate the legacy of
Benjamin J. Davis and the left and progressive democratic traditions of the
African American people in general and particularly the people of Harlem. We
must continue his fight against war, racism, repression, unemployment and
poverty. 
________________________________

The making of a Communist
By Benjamin J. Davis

The following is an excerpt from Ben Davis' speech to the Harvard Law Forum
in 1962 on the subject of the repressive McCarran Act. The speech appears as
an appendix to Davis' autobiography, Communist Councilman from Harlem. 

Do not think I feel like a stranger here. For Harvard has its progressive,
even revolutionary traditions. There are, for example, John Reed, who wrote
the immortal Ten Days that Shook the World, a description of the October
revolution of 1917 that stands as a world-famous classic; and Dr. W.E.B. Du
Bois, distinguished historian and scholar, a founder of the NAACP, who
recently joined the U.S. Communist Party. Both these men studied at Harvard.


It may be of interest to you, as students here, to know how one who has had
substantially similar educational experiences to your own became a
Communist. I grew up in a typical Negro Republican home in the deep South.
It was primarily my life as an American Negro in my country that prepared me
for this political choice. The occasion was my serving as trial counsel in
the Angelo Herndon case in my native home of Atlanta, Ga., in 1933. Since
this case may be familiar in law curricula, it suffices to recall it
briefly. 

Herndon was an 18-year-old Negro youth charged with attempting to incite
insurrection under an old Georgia statute of 1866. The maximum penalty was
death, and he was mercifully sentenced to 20 years on the Georgia chain
gang. He was later freed by a close vote of the U.S. Supreme Court. I was so
outraged as a Negro, and partly by my Harvard idealism, that I volunteered
my services in the case. The basis of the indictment was primarily his
membership in the Communist Party and possession of Marxist literature,
including copies of the Daily Worker. In the course of defending Herndon, I
had to familiarize myself with these Marxist books. Their political
philosophy in terms of my own status as a second-class citizen in my own
country made more sense to me than anything I'd heard from the Republican
and Democratic Parties. So I joined the Communist Party. 

First credit for recruiting me goes not to the Communists but to the savage
white supremacy assaults of the trial judge, Lee B. Wyatt, against all
Negroes. Only secondarily does the credit go to the Communist Party which
provided a rational, effective and principled path of activity and struggle
through which the hideous Jim Crow system could be abolished forever in the
U.S. 

I cite this personal experience to demonstrate that the process through
which I became a Communist was "Made in the USA," not in Moscow nor in any
foreign country. Socialism and Communism cannot be exported; they grow out
of the conditions native to capitalist countries. And we Communists are
ready to join with non-Communists and even anti-Communists in eliminating
the very oppressive conditions under capitalism that result in people
becoming Communists. 

Yet, with it all, I am proud to be an American, proud to be a Negro, and
proud to be a Communist! And there is no contradiction between the three. I
am proud to be an American because I have an abiding confidence in the
creative capacity of the American people to set our country right in all
respects and keep it so, and to move it to higher levels of happiness and
peace. 

This article <http://www.pww.org/article/articleprint/4024/>  was written by
Jarvis Tyner <mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED]> , National Executive Vice Chair of
the Communist Party USA <http://www.cpusa.org/>  for the People's Weekly
World <http://www.pww.org/>  on September 4, 2003. 

%%%%%%%%

May 1 through 7 is Communist History Week

        


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