RULE OF LAW
Friend or Foe?
By DAVID B. RIVKIN JR. and LEE A. CASEY
Wall Street Journal
April 11, 2005; Page A23

For more than three years now, the International Committee of the Red Cross
(ICRC) has clashed with the United States over the detention of captured al
Qaeda and Taliban terrorists at Guantanamo Bay, and over their
classification as unlawful enemy combatants.

Its most recent salvo takes the form of a massive "Study on Customary
International Humanitarian Law." Although this document -- formally released
on March 15 -- purports to present a neutral assessment of currently binding
international law norms, it is actually an exercise in the very type of
political advocacy that characterizes the work of private interest groups
like Amnesty International.

Indeed, the ICRC has become the leading practitioner of "lawfare" -- a form
of asymmetrical warfare that aims to constrain American power using the law.
This approach is fundamentally inconsistent with the ICRC's supposed role as
a unique and impartial international interlocutor.

It is, of course, this special role that has justified the U.S. Congress in
spending tens of millions of American tax dollars annually on the ICRC. The
American people are not, however, getting their money's worth.

For more than 30 years, the ICRC has been working to change the traditional
rules of international law applicable to irregular or "unlawful" combatants.
Because such individuals do not comply with the most basic rules of
civilized warfare, including an organized command structure, uniforms,
carrying arms openly, and eschewing attacks on civilians, they are not
entitled to the rights of prisoners of war when captured.

In the 1970s, however, the ICRC prepared, and successfully promoted, a
treaty known as "Protocol I Additional" to the Geneva Conventions. Among
other things, this document granted privileged, Geneva POW status to
guerilla fighters -- requiring them simply to "distinguish" themselves from
the civilian population at the time of attack or shortly before. Of course,
regular armed forces -- like those of the United States -- must distinguish
themselves by wearing uniforms at all times during hostilities.

Protocol I would create a substantial advantage for guerilla fighters,
permitting them effectively to hide among the civilian population up to, or
shortly before, the point of attack, while at the same time guaranteeing
them POW status if captured. It was primarily on this basis that the United
States rejected the protocol in 1987.

Predictably, the ICRC's Customary Law Study now claims that this rule --
which the ICRC effectively invented -- has become so widely accepted that it
is a universally binding customary international law norm, binding on the
United States even without its consent. Indeed, through the peculiar alchemy
of language, the ICRC claims the same status for much of the rest of
Protocol I based on the wide acceptance of its "basic principles" -- even by
the U.S.

This position is not new. It was previously articulated by the group in
response to some well-deserved criticism against it contained in the
Schlesinger Commission's report on Pentagon detention operations.

It is, however, a sleight of hand unworthy of the ICRC. Acceptance of the
broad, basic principles contained in Protocol I, such as the rule that
captives must be treated humanely or that disproportionate combat damage to
civilian areas must be avoided, does not imply agreement to Protocol I's
detailed and proscriptive provisions any more than agreement with Oliver
Wendell Holmes's remark that taxes are the cost of civilization constitutes
approval of every section of the Internal Revenue Code.

Moreover, the ICRC has not limited its advocacy activities to the rules
governing how prisoners are classified. Over the past years, it has
increasingly interposed itself into areas such as arms control -- the
Biological Weapons Convention process, for example -- that are well beyond
its Geneva mandate.

In this respect, the group has been particularly active in efforts to ban
the types of landmines that remain critical to U.S. defense needs,
particularly in Korea, and the cluster munitions that have proven their
worth against al Qaeda and the Taliban in Afghanistan. More generally, it
has pushed for legal rules mandating a zero-level approach to collateral
damage, thus encouraging rogue states and guerrilla forces to fight from
civilian areas so as to inhibit the operations of their law-abiding
adversaries.

On the ledger's other side, and contrary to widespread public beliefs, the
ICRC has done precious little for the United States -- at least since World
War II. Captured Americans were treated barbarically in Korea, Vietnam, and
by Saddam's forces in the first Gulf War. Yet the ICRC neither provided
effective assistance to individual American POWs, nor did it undertake the
kind of determined, public campaign against those governments that it has
launched against the U.S. over Guantanamo Bay.

The sad fact is that, since signing the 1949 Geneva Conventions, the U.S.
has never received the benefit of those treaties -- even though it has
always extended Geneva treatment to its enemies. Those who claim that
refusing al Qaeda and the Taliban Geneva POW status, as the ICRC demands,
will somehow endanger American troops have yet to contend with this sorry
record of nonperformance. How many generations, it might justly be asked,
must the American people wait for the benefit of their bargain?

In particular, of course, this question should be asked by Congress. The
ICRC is an advocacy organization that has all but abandoned its primary
mission as an impartial humanitarian body under the Geneva Conventions.
Unless it mends its ways soon, the ICRC should no longer receive American
tax dollars to fund so many activities that are against America's national
interest and the U.S. should seriously consider transferring its Geneva
Convention functions to a truly impartial entity.

Messrs. Rivkin and Casey served in the Justice Department under Presidents
Reagan and George H.W. Bush. 




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