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http://www.fpif.org/pdf/gac/0412iraq.pdf

A New Course in Iraq
by Erik Leaver, Foreign Policy in Focus
December 10th, 2004

As many members of Congress and President George W. Bush’s administration
argue that it’s unacceptable to leave Iraq as a failed state, it becomes
clearer every day that U.S. operations and policies are fueling violence
and instability. It’s time for the government to directly confront the
question of how to fulfill U.S. obligations under international law,
restore basic security, and responsibly withdraw U.S. forces.

Central to this point, Washington must not simply abandon the Iraqi people
to the chaos it has created. But the U.S. needs to accept the fact that
continued military occupation by the U.S. will only cause more casualties,
foster division in the country, and keep reconstruction from advancing.

In the six months since the transition to Iraqi sovereignty officially got
underway on June 28, 2004, the human cost of the U.S. occupation of that
country has risen dramatically. U.S. military deaths have topped 1,200. A
study published in The Lancet has estimated that 100,000 Iraqis have died
as a result of war and conditions under occupation. Norwegian researchers,
the United Nations, and the Iraqi government recently reported that
malnutrition among the youngest children in Iraq has nearly doubled since
the U.S.-led invasion of that country. And soaring rates of disease and a
crippled health system are threatening to kill more than have died in the
aftermath of the war.

This dynamic is unlikely to change in the near term. The Bush
administration’s stated two-pronged plan of staging elections and putting
Iraqis in charge of their own security is clearly the right objective. But
on the ground this is failing for a variety of reasons. Iraqi elections
held under U.S. military occupation and under election rules written by
the U.S will lack legitimacy both inside and outside Iraq. Furthermore,
the lack of UN election experts on the ground, coupled with continued
fighting, and the fact that any polling location guarded by U.S. troops
will be a military target, means free and fair elections can’t take place
as scheduled in January.

Iraqis need to be in charge of their own security. But the Iraqi police
and National Guard have largely failed to provide security for the Iraqi
people and the situation appears to be only worsening. Iraq’s security
forces are fighting in a war that puts anyone who is physically near or
associated with the U.S. occupation at risk. At the same time, soldiers
and police officers lack adequate training. One measure of the problem can
be seen in their death toll. Over 1,500 Iraqi security force recruits and
750 Iraqi police officers have been killed. Iraqi security forces can’t
succeed as long as the U.S. is leading a war on the ground in Iraq.

As Larry Diamond, who worked as a senior adviser to the Coalition
Provisional Authority, has noted, “There are really no good options,” at
this point. But there are better options than the policies being currently
pursued. The following five steps would lessen the violence and insecurity
in Iraq:

1) Decrease U.S. troops and end offensive operations: As a first step to
withdrawal, the U.S. should declare an immediate cease-fire and reduce the
number of troops deployed in Iraq. Instead, the Bush administration has
done the opposite, increasing the number of troops stationed there by
12,000. Increased offensive operations will only escalate the violence and
make Iraq less secure and less safe. The U.S. should pull troops out of
major cities so that greater manpower can be directed to guarding the
borders to stem the flow of foreign fighters and money being used to fund
the resistance. If Iraqi security forces need assistance maintaining
order, they have the option of inviting in regional forces, as proposed by
Saudi Arabia. They could also reinstate the former Iraqi army, which was
well-trained, after purging upper-level Saddam supporters and providing
additional counterinsurgency training to deal with the current war. Once
implemented, these measures would allow for total withdrawal of U.S.
forces.

2) Declare that the U.S. has no intention to maintain a permanent or
long-term military presence or bases in Iraq . Congress needs to make
clear that it is committed to the principle of responsible withdrawal of
all U.S. troops from Iraq. By making this statement through a
congressional resolution, the U.S. would openly acknowledge that it has no
interest in controlling Middle Eastern oil or in suppressing Muslims,
hence depriving insurgents of their central organizing message. Without
such a resolution, Iraqis have little reason to believe that our present
actions are nothing greater than a plan to establish a long-term military
presence in Iraq and make the occupation a permanent feature of Iraqi
life.

3) Do more to restore services: Moving control of reconstruction from the
Defense Department to the State Department has been a positive step as it
removes an agency designed to fight war from the much different task of
nation building. But a much stronger statement to the Iraqi people would
be to go even further and give Iraqis direct authority over reconstruction
funding. The U.S. government and its contractors have failed to restore
public services and public safety, strengthen institutions, or provide
jobs. Meanwhile, billions of appropriated dollars remain unspent. By
giving Iraqis control over reconstruction funds more Iraqis will get jobs
and projects will be better targeted to the needs of Iraqis. And lowering
the unemployment rate will weaken the potential for recruitment into the
insurgency.

4) Postpone national elections and hold elections for provincial
governments: Given that war is raging in most of Iraq’s Sunni regions,
prospects for free and fair elections in January are dim. Given the
reality on the ground, the U.S. should call for a delay of national
elections while helping Iraqis hold elections for local governments. Local
governments should be given the power so far denied to Iraqis. They need
budget oversight and dedicated funding derived from the country's oil
exports. Additionally, they need the authority to work with Iraqi
ministries to assess local needs, decide which reconstruction efforts
should get priority, and deliver services. They would also have an
oversight role for expenditures. Once provincial elections are completed,
illustrating that the U.S. is willing to cede power, and a guarantee that
Sunnis will be included in the political process is in place, national
elections will become more viable.

5) Impose conditions on U.S. spending for the Iraq War: To date the U.S.
has spent $151 billion on the Iraq War. It’s important to support the
troops, but a recent exchange between Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld
and the troops illustrated the safety of the troops has not been
Washington’s primary concern. Congress should exercise its prerogative in
shaping U.S. policy in Iraq by tying a forthcoming supplemental spending
bill now rumored to be between $70-100 billion to the previous four
points. At the same time, lawmakers should put the brakes on the rampant
war profiteering that has caused widespread waste, fraud, and abuse. To do
this, the U.S. must stop awarding no-bid contracts and open-ended,
“cost-plus,” multi-billion dollar contracts such as those awarded to
Halliburton and Bechtel and increase oversight over the military and its
contractors. Finally, the U.S. should cancel previously awarded contracts
to companies whose workforces don’t have a majority of Iraqis.

The current U.S. approach in Iraq is too costly in human and financial
terms to Americans at home, our troops abroad, and to the very people this
war was supposed to liberate. More importantly, it isn’t improving Iraq’s
stability or security. These five steps represent an ambitious new
direction for the United States and for the Iraqi people.


Erik Leaver is the policy outreach director for the Foreign Policy In
Focus (http://www.fpif.org/) project at the Institute for Policy Studies
(http://www.ips-dc.org/). He's one of the authors of a recently released
IPS and FPIF report titled "A Failed 'Transition': The Mounting Costs of
the Iraq War."

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