http://snipurl.com/77dl

A group of more than 450 professors of law, international relations, and
public policy - led by Harvard Law School faculty members - today sent a
letter calling on Congress to hold accountable, through impeachment and
removal if appropriate, civilian officials from the top of the Executive
Branch on down for policies developed at high levels that have facilitated
the recent abuses at Abu Ghraib...

-----------------

http://www.truthout.org/docs_04/061804E.shtml

Bush Has a Lot to Answer for on Iraq Torture
    By Elizabeth Holtzman
    Newsday

    Wednesday 16 June 2004

    At a Senate hearing last week, Attorney General John Ashcroft claimed
that President George W. Bush never ordered torture in connection with
abusive interrogations of prisoners in Iraq and Afghanistan and
violated no criminal laws of the United States. But the attorney
general did not describe what the president did order with respect to
these interrogations - and he refused to turn over key documents to
the Senate.

    The attorney general's self-serving sweeping denial disqualifies him
from investigating and holding accountable those responsible for these
interrogations. Ashcroft should appoint a special prosecutor to do so.

    Under a little known statute, any American involved in the
mistreatment of Iraqi prisoners, including the president of the United
States, could be guilty of a federal crime.

    The War Crimes Act of 1996 punishes any U.S. national, civilian or
military, who engages in a grave breach of the Geneva Conventions. A
grave breach means the "willful killing, torture or inhuman treatment"
of prisoners. If death results, the act imposes the death penalty.

    The possibility of prosecution must have haunted President Bush's
chief lawyer, White House counsel Alberto Gonzales. In order to reduce
"the threat" of prosecution for the brutal interrogations of Taliban
and al-Qaida members, Gonzales urged President Bush (in a January 2002
memo) to opt out of the Geneva Conventions for the war in Afghanistan.
Although Gonzales doesn't mention that top officials could be targets
of prosecutions under the War Crimes Act, plainly that is his concern.
The president followed his advice.

    Gonzales' logic was simple: Whenever the Geneva Conventions applied,
so did the War Crimes Act of 1996. Since President Bush has repeatedly
stated that the Geneva Conventions apply to Iraq, the War Crimes Act
clearly applies to willful killing, torture or inhuman treatment of
Iraqi prisoners. Whether the gimmick of opting out of the Geneva
accords precludes War Crimes Act liability for Afghanistan remains to
be seen.

    Clearly, U.S. personnel subjected Iraqi detainees to inhuman
treatment, such as forcing hooded prisoners into stressful positions
for lengthy periods of time, using dogs to intimidate and bite naked
prisoners, dragging naked prisoners on the ground with a leash around
their necks, forcing prisoners to engage in or simulate sexual acts,
beatings and on and on.

    There is no shortage of evidence to document the inhuman treatment,
including the notorious photos of Abu Ghraib prisoners as well as Maj.
Gen. Antonio Taguba's inquiry, which found "sadistic, blatant and
wanton criminal abuses." The UN high commissioner for human rights
recently reached similar conclusions. The International Red Cross
repeatedly protested the treatment of Iraqi detainees.

    The key question is how high up the responsibility goes for these
abhorrent acts. The War Crimes Act covers government officials who
give the orders for inhuman treatment as well as those who carry them
out. Since the War Crimes Act punishes for inhuman treatment alone,
prosecutions under that act can by-pass any disagreement over the
exact meaning of torture - and whether the Justice Department's
absurdly narrow definition is correct. In addition, under
international law, officials who know about the inhuman treatment and
fail to stop it are also liable.

    We need to know what directives Bush gave for CIA and military
interrogations in Iraq. We also need to know what the president and
his subordinates, such as Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld, knew
about the inhuman treatment of Iraqi prisoners - and when they knew it
and what they did about it.

    Bush must stop claiming that the problems lie with just a few bad
apples. That is simply not true. We know that orders for inhuman
treatment came directly from Lt. Gen. Ricardo Sanchez, the top
military officer in Iraq. But we don't yet know where he got his
orders. Similarly, the president should disclaim the contention that
his powers as commander-in-chief override U.S. criminal laws; it
smacks of President Richard Nixon's unsuccessful claim of "national
security" during the Watergate scandal, and is baseless.

    We simply cannot prosecute only the "small fry" for this scandal that
has undercut our mission in Iraq and besmirched our reputation. We
have to demonstrate that the rule of law applies to everyone
responsible, including the president, if the evidence warrants - as we
did in Watergate. There must be a thorough investigation of the
higher-ups, and that requires a full congressional inquiry and the
appointment of a special prosecutor.

    The horrendous mistreatment of Iraqi prisoners has disgraced the
United States and endangered our troops and citizens. The best way to
vindicate our country and undo the damage done to Iraqi prisoners is
to ensure that everyone responsible is held accountable - without
exceptions. We may pay a terrible price if we fail to do so.


    Elizabeth Holtzman is a former congresswoman, New York City
comptroller and Brooklyn district attorney. She served on the House
Judiciary Committee during impeachment of President Richard Nixon.

Reply via email to