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Nuke the Messenger
By Dan Froomkin
Special to washingtonpost.com
Tuesday, June 27, 2006; 1:34 PM

In accusing the press -- and specifically, the New York Times -- of
putting American lives at risk, President Bush and his allies have
escalated their ongoing battle with the media to nuclear proportions.

Here's what Bush had to say yesterday: "We're at war with a bunch of
people who want to hurt the United States of America, and for people to
leak that program, and for a newspaper to publish it does great harm to
the United States of America."

Here's Vice President Cheney: "The New York Times has now made it more
difficult for us to prevent attacks in the future."

Here's press secretary Tony Snow: "The New York Times and other news
organizations ought to think long and hard about whether a public's right
to know, in some cases, might overwrite somebody's right to live, and
whether, in fact, the publications of these could place in jeopardy the
safety of fellow Americans."

It's a monstrous charge for the White House to suggest that the press is
essentially aiding and abetting the enemy. But where's the evidence?

The White House first began leveling this kind of accusation immediately
after a New York Times story revealed a massive, secret domestic spying
program conducted without congressional or judicial oversight. See, for
instance, Bush's December 17, 2005 radio address , in which he said the
disclosure put "our citizens at risk."

But not once has the White House definitively answered this question: How
are any of these disclosures actually impairing the pursuit of terrorists?

Terrorists already knew the government was trying to track them down
through their finances, their phone calls and their e-mails. Within days
of the Sept. 11 attacks, for instance, Bush publicly declared open season
on terrorist financing.

As far as I can tell, all these disclosures do is alert the American
public to the fact that all this stuff is going on without the requisite
oversight, checks and balances.

How does it possibly matter to a terrorist whether the government got a
court order or not? Or whether Congress was able to exercise any
oversight? The White House won't say. In fact, it can't say.

By contrast, it does matter to us.

This column has documented, again and again , that when faced with a
potentially damaging political problem, White House strategist Karl Rove's
response is not to defend, but to attack.

The potentially damaging political problem here is that the evidence
continues to grow that the Bush White House's exercise of unchecked
authority in the war on terror poses a serious threat to American civil
liberties and privacy rights. It wasn't that long ago, after all, that an
American president used the mechanisms of national security to spy on his
political enemies.

The sum total of the administration's defense against this charge appears
to be: Trust us. Trust that we're only spying on terrorists, and not
anyone else.

But what if the trust isn't there? And what if they're breaking the law?

That's why it's better to attack. It makes for great soundbites. It
motivates the base. And perhaps most significantly, it takes attention
away from Bush's own behavior.


The Coverage

Peter Baker writes in The Washington Post: "President Bush offered an
impassioned defense of his secret international banking surveillance
program yesterday, calling it a legal and effective tool for hunting down
terrorists and denouncing the media's disclosure of it as a 'disgraceful'
act that does 'great harm' to the nation.

"The president used a White House appearance with supporters of troops in
Iraq to lash out at newspapers that revealed the program, which has
examined hundreds of thousands of private banking records from around the
world. His remarks led off a broader White House assault later amplified
by Vice President Cheney and Treasury Secretary John W. Snow. . . .

"Critics said Bush was trying to divert attention from his own actions.
Bush, Cheney and other Republicans 'have adopted a shoot-the-messenger
strategy by attacking the newspaper that revealed the existence of the
secret bank surveillance program rather than answering the disturbing
questions that those reports raise about possible violations of the U.S.
Constitution and U.S. privacy laws,' said Rep. Edward J. Markey
(D-Mass.)."

Sheryl Gay Stolberg writes in the New York Times: "Administration
officials had argued strongly that in reporting on the financial tracking
operation, The Times would endanger national security by prompting the
Belgian banking consortium that maintains the financial data to withdraw
from the program. On Sunday, Mr. Keller, the paper's executive editor,
posted a letter on The New York Times Web site saying that the newspaper
'found this argument puzzling,' partly because the banking consortium is
compelled by subpoena to comply. . . .

"Mr. Keller said in the letter that the administration had made a
'secondary argument' that publication of the article would lead terrorists
to change tactics, but he said that argument had been made 'in a
halfhearted way.' "

Here is Keller's letter: http://snipurl.com/sgp8.

On MSNBC, Chris Matthews spoke with Ron Suskind, author of the new book
"The One Percent Doctrine." Matthews noted that Suskind specifically wrote
in his book that Al Qaeda got wise to electronic transfer surveillance
after a while.

Matthews: "So in other words, the bad guys figured out how we were
catching them."

Suskind: "Right, it's a process of deduction. After a while, you catch
enough of them, they're not idiots. They say, 'Well, we can't do the
things we were doing.' They're not leaving electronic trails like they
were.' "

Dean Baquet , the editor of the Los Angeles Times, explains his paper's
decision to publish the story: "We considered very seriously the
government's assertion that these disclosures could cause difficulties for
counterterrorism programs. And we weighed that assertion against the fact
that there is an intense and ongoing public debate about whether
surveillance programs like these pose a serious threat to civil liberties.

"We sometimes withhold information when we believe that reporting it would
threaten a life. In this case, we believed, based on our talks with many
people in the government and on our own reporting, that the information on
the Treasury Department's program did not pose that threat. Nor did the
government give us any strong evidence that the information would thwart
true terrorism inquiries. In fact, a close read of the article shows that
some in the government believe that the program is ineffective in fighting
terrorism. . . .

"History has taught us that the government is not always being honest when
it cites secrecy as a reason not to publish."

Kelly O'Donnell reports for NBC News: "Today's coordinated response is
more than simply shared frustration. Analysts say there is political
upside as well."

Charlie Cook tells O'Donnell: "They've got to motivate their base, and
conservatives, Republicans, tend to distrust the media, so anytime you can
play off and use the media as a foil, it's probably a good thing."

Ron Hutcheson of Knight Ridder Newspapers noted in his pool report from
yesterday's event: "The president seemed determined to keep [taking]
questions until he got the one he wanted -- regarding the media
disclosures about the government's efforts to monitor financial
transactions. He became quite animated during his response, speaking
forcefully, and leaning forward and gesturing with his hands for
emphasis."

And why so much ire specifically directed at the Times?

Julie Mason writes in the Houston Chronicle quotes Dennis Simon, a
political scientist at Southern Methodist University: "The ardent
conservatives in the Republican Party believe in biased mainstream media,
and at the top of that list is the New York Times. So this is good
politics for them."

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