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The Chicago Tribune
3 January 2005

Legal tide turning on detainee issue
Shifting opinion threatens nominee
        By Andrew Zajac

WASHINGTON -- In the spring of 2002, a handful of lawyers made the rounds
of U.S. law firms seeking help for a very big, but very unpopular, cause:
providing legal representation for the 600 or so accused foreign enemy
combatants held at the U.S. naval base at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba.

With the memory of the Sept. 11 attacks still fresh and military overseers
of Guantanamo describing their prisoners as the "worst elements of Al
Qaeda and the Taliban," few lawyers volunteered to fight for any rights
the detainees might have.

"They would give an answer like, `Well, we've raised this with [the law
firm's] management committee and decided not to take this one on,'"
recalled Douglass Cassel, director of the Center for International Human
Rights at Northwestern University's School of Law.

After three years and a trip to the U.S. Supreme Court, attitudes and the
legal landscape have shifted dramatically.

Sixty-nine Guantanamo detainees have filed papers seeking access to U.S.
courts assisted by lawyers from at least 17 firms, according to a review
of court filings. In addition, four detainees are on trial before military
commissions, although the cases have been suspended while new legal issues
are considered.

The increased legal representation by American lawyers of foreign
detainees came after the disclosure of abuses, including the Abu Ghraib
prison scandal, that helped galvanize some lawyers' opposition to Bush
administration detention policies.

Although Abu Ghraib is in Iraq, the abuses helped focus attention on how
prisoners in the war on terrorism are treated, said Thomas Wilner, a
corporate lawyer from Washington whose defense of Kuwaiti detainees helped
trigger the Supreme Court's landmark ruling in June that gave Guantanamo
detainees a foothold to contest their confinement in U.S. courts.

Though some firms still are reluctant get involved, "it's become sort of
chic now" to represent detainees, Wilner said.

New accounts of abuse of Guantanamo detainees surfaced in December in
documents from the FBI and the Army indicating that mistreatment of
prisoners in Cuba, Iraq and Afghanistan may be more widespread and serious
than the Defense Department had acknowledged.

The increasingly aggressive legal response to the detention policies could
translate into difficulties at Senate confirmation hearings for White
House counsel Alberto Gonzales, President Bush's nominee to succeed John
Ashcroft as attorney general.

In his current job, Gonzales played a role in the production of memos that
argued Bush was not bound by federal or international law governing the
duration and conditions of detainees' confinement and prohibiting torture.

One of the more notorious memos, crafted by the Justice Department for
Gonzales in August 2002, appeared to sanction torture and was explicitly
repudiated in a memo issued Thursday, a week before the hearings are
slated to begin.

While it is not believed that the nomination is in trouble, some who have
come forward to assist the detainees, including former high-ranking
military lawyers, are furious at the administration's unwillingness to
abide by international law. They could turn Gonzales' confirmation into a
messy proceeding.

Wilner, who overcame objections from his partners at the law firm Shearman
& Sterling to take the Kuwaitis' case in 2002, said accounts of detainee
abuse were a wake-up call to a large chunk of the legal community that
"just had been cowed by [the Bush] administration."

Lawyers were not being asked to defend terrorists, he said. They were
being asked to oppose a policy that decreed detainees had no rights,
except as Bush might recognize them.

"The rule of law is what distinguishes us from the animals," Wilner said.


Administration defends policy

The administration, however, vehemently disputes that detainees are held
in a lawless limbo.

The government maintains that detainees are not covered by the Geneva
Conventions, but they have been treated humanely, with multiple safeguards
to ensure that only unlawful combatants are imprisoned.

While lawyers for the detainees don't dispute that detention in wartime is
an act of security and necessity, they contend the issue boils down to
who, if anyone, gets to look over the government's shoulder.

Until the Supreme Court ruled in June, the answer had been: no one.

Two early cases--Wilner's and another involving British and Australian
detainees represented by the Center for Constitutional Rights and Joseph
Margulies of the University of Chicago's MacArthur Justice Center--were
tossed out by federal courts.

The lawyers for the detainees decided to focus their case on what they
said are fundamental constitutional values.

"We made a strategic decision that it could no longer be `terrorists
versus the United States.' It had to be the `rule of law versus the United
States,'" said Northwestern's Cassel.


Detention foes build case

By the time the Supreme Court heard arguments in April, Guantanamo lawyers
had collected supporting briefs from former leaders of the military legal
system, former U.S. prisoners of war, groups of retired federal judges and
diplomats, among others--and they found a pool of lawyers willing to work
on the cases.

Among those who filed briefs in support of the detainees was retired Adm.
John Hutson, dean of the Franklin Pierce Law School in Concord, N.H., and
from 1997 to 2000 the Navy's top legal officer.

"The U.S., of all countries, has to take the high ground," Hutson said in
a recent interview. "Yeah, they [terrorists] are beheading people, but to
say, `Well, we're not going to live up to the Geneva Convention. . . . '
Sinking down to their level just means that they won."

A self-described conservative and "a Republican my whole life," Hutson
said the core legal issues in the detainee cases--the need to check
presidential power and to adhere to international law--cut across the
political spectrum.

Hutson said Gonzales did not appear to have thought about U.S. troops held
captive.

"When we're captives, we sure don't want the Geneva Convention referred to
as `quaint' and `obsolete,'" said Hutson, referring to one of Gonzales'
memos.

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