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http://www.newyorker.com/fact/content/articles/051003fa_fact

LETTER FROM LOUISIANA: HIGH WATER
How Presidents and citizens react to disaster.
by DAVID REMNICK, The New Yorker

continued...

Like so many other news people in town, Dave Cohen had been preparing
forty-years-later reports on Hurricane Betsy when Katrina hit. Although
L.B.J. and the local officials of New Orleans and the State of Louisiana
responded to their crisis with far greater coördination and speed than
their successors in 2005, the memories of Betsy remain bitter, and not
only because of the suffering and destruction it caused. As Edward Haas
has made clear, Betsy was followed within days by widespread rumors that
Mayor Schiro had ordered floodwater pumped out of his own well-to-do
subdivision, Lake Vista, and into the Ninth Ward. At the time of the
flood, Schiro was in a race for reëlection with another Democrat, the city
council president, James E. Fitzmorris, Jr. There were also stories that
he had ordered the levees breached. Thomas E. Allen, of Hunt Foods &
Industries, an ally of the Mayor’s, wrote to him to say that two of his
African-American servants “brought this tale to my wife yesterday and said
that all of the Negroes were talking about it and were angry with you
about it.” Haas quotes Schiro’s secretary, Marguerite Guette, who told the
Mayor, “An old 71-years of age colored man by the name of Williams, who
says you have helped him all of his life and who lives at 2630 Republic
Street, called to say that he is very concerned about a rumor that is
going around that may ruin you with colored voters. The rumor is that you
cut the Industrial Canal to drown the colored people so that they would
not vote in the coming election.” An aide to the Mayor later reported that
people claiming to be relief workers and Schiro supporters delivered bags
of “supplies” to flood victims in the Ninth Ward. People opened the bags
only to find spoiled food and soiled, useless clothing.

Four years ago, a play staged in New Orleans called “An Evening with
Betsy” explored the old conspiracy rumors. And although among historians
Schiro earns high marks for his handling of the flood (if not for his
obstinate views on race), the rumors persist. “That theory is why older
people in the Ninth Ward still keep hatchets in their attics,” Dave Cohen
had told me. “They remember what it was like to be trapped, with the water
rising and no way to get to the roof.”

The pattern in Katrina’s wake is similar. Everywhere I went in Louisiana
and Texas to talk to evacuees, many of the poorest among them were not
only furious—furious at the President and local officials, furious at
being ignored for days—but inclined to believe, as many did after Betsy,
that the flooding of the city was, or could have been, a deliberate act.

In the town of New Iberia, south of Lafayette, a few hundred New
Orleanians, nearly all of them African-American, were staying at a gym on
the grounds of West End Park. It was dusk when I arrived, and people were
wandering around the athletic field, shooing away clouds of mosquitoes,
drinking bottles of cold water provided by the Red Cross, and recounting
for each other, yet again, their exodus stories. “Biblical
proportions”—everyone used that phrase, and why not? I went inside and
noticed a couple of signs: “This is Our Home. Please Respect Us.”
“Evacuees and Volunteers Only Beyond This Point: Curfew 730, Lights Out
10, TV off at 10:30.” Two of the Red Cross volunteers who had organized
the shelter and were keeping it running told me that they had been at
Ground Zero in New York four years ago and that, in many ways, this was
worse. “A whole city ruined,” one said. “More than a million people
leaving their homes.” “Biblical proportions,” the other said.

A friendly man in his late thirties named Walter Hays sat down to talk.
Hays is African-American, a Navy veteran who had been working as a fitter
at Northrop Grumman. People had painful and fantastical stories to
tell—floating a family to safety in an inflatable kiddie pool, nights in
the Superdome or on the street, helicopter escapes in the arms of a
soldier—and Walter Hays wanted to tell his. He was in New Iberia with a
group of twenty-eight close family and friends, including three infants
and several small children. The adults had vowed to bring everyone out
together. He talked of the beautiful weather the day after the storm, and
then, the next day, he said, “the water started coming out of the ground,”
rolling down the streets, streaming through the floorboards. In three
hours, the water was at chest level. Hays filled an ice chest with papers
and the group started out, halting for two days and nights, along with two
thousand other souls, on the sweltering Claiborne Avenue overpass, near
the Superdome.

“We had with us three-month-old twins, a two-month-old, no water,” he
said. “People were pulling guns. What we saw on that overpass was beyond
imagining: there were suicides, people jumping off the bridge, older
people who couldn’t take it, there were dead bodies floating underneath,
the whole overpass reeked of feces and urine. Fights broke out all the
time. People tried to jump on whatever military vehicles went by, but of
course they wouldn’t let anyone on. There were choppers over our heads. We
could see the touch-and-gos of the helicopters—it went on all night long,
and no one got any sleep. It was so hot and humid. And the one thing I’ll
never forget is that the sky was so clear and full of stars. So clear
because there weren’t any lights from the city. And all night long the
kids were crying, the adults were crying, old people crying.”

In the days that followed, they made their way to higher ground. A heroin
addict they met had been looting, and he gave them water, food, Pampers.
He even let them bathe in his house. “And he went on looting,” Hays said.
“I can’t really argue. If you’re dealt lemons, you make lemonade.” Walter
Hays and the others knew they had to get out of town, but there was still
no transport. A police officer told them they should break into cars and
see if they could steal one. Hays and his best friend, a grocery-store
manager named Chester Pye, went to a nearby bus barn. “A guy there showed
me how to hot-wire a school bus. We got our hands all slashed up from
pulling wires, and it seemed like all the batteries were dead. Finally,
Chester finds a good battery, and we went looking for keys.” They found
one that fit bus No. 9322 and picked up the rest of the extended family
and headed out of town. Along the way, near the Fisher housing project, in
Algiers, someone shot at the bus and demanded to be let on, but there was
no room. They kept going west on Route 90, getting as far as Houma,
Louisiana. On the road to New Iberia, a police officer pulled them over.
“I was scared,” Hays went on. “After all, we’d boosted the bus. The cop, a
white guy, looked inside and saw it wasn’t hot-wired. There was a key. And
what did he do? He gave us a police escort and called another police
escort as we left Raceland and we got the escort all the way to New
Iberia. And in New Iberia an officer said to me, and I will remember this
forever, he said, ‘I want you to understand something. You think this is
the end of life as you know it for you. But this is a new beginning. You
have a lot of people pulling for you.’ ”

Walter Hays had been telling his story for a couple of hours, with many
other details of disasters averted and kindnesses provided. By now many of
his friends had gathered around him, adding clarifications and saying
that, all in all, they were blessed.

“All along the way, things were strategically placed in our way by the
Lord,” Hays said, in agreement. “The dopehead who helped us, the bus key,
the people in Houma, wading through the water, the bodies, the tiny
infants who made it out, sleeping on the bridge, like it was a terrible
desert. It’s Biblical, isn’t it? After everything we’ve been through, if
you aren’t changed morally, spiritually, then you are dead inside.”

And then, just at the point where the story seemed over, with a flourish
of amens and thank-the-Lords, Tyrell Pye, Chester’s nephew, said, “Now,
just remember.” He paused and lowered his gaze at me. “Remember,” he said,
“this was a premeditated disaster. They flooded the city. It happened on a
pretty, sunshiny day, two days of rising water. You tell me: where the
rich people at?”

And Chester Pye said, “How come the Seventeenth Street levee broke? It’s a
totally poor area. And once the water started coming to St. Bernard Parish
it was Oops, maybe we should start doing something?” The others nodded.
They agreed with this no less than they agreed on the saving grace of God.

Except Walter Hays. He was unsure. “I just don’t know about any of that,”
he said.

When I asked Chester Pye if he and his family would return to New Orleans,
he said, “There’s no reason to go back now. Back to what? Back as a
tourist? The new New Orleans is going to be like Six Flags Bourbon Street,
you know what I mean?”

The link between conspiracy theories and oppression is as old as racial
conflict. Some early American slaves were convinced that their new owners
were cannibals bringing them to the New World to eat their flesh. In
Washington in the nineteen-eighties, there was often talk in poorer black
communities about The Plan. This was a belief that the “white power
structure” had a secret scheme to inexorably move the black population out
of the District. Similarly, in shelters in Louisiana and Texas you heard
the suspicion that the “higher powers” of New Orleans wanted to employ a
policy of citywide gentrification through natural disaster, that a mass
exile of poor African-Americans was “the silver-lining scenario.” For
most, it hardly seemed to matter that some wealthier neighborhoods in New
Orleans, particularly Lakeview, did not escape damage.

At the Houston Astrodome, for instance, people made statements and asked
questions that mixed the logical with the conspiratorial.

“Where were the buses?”

“Why is it, do you think, that the French Quarter and the Garden District
are high and dry and the Ninth is flooded and gonna get bulldozed?”

“In Betsy I know the mayor blew up the levee to save those big homes on
the lakefront. A lot of people believe that, especially the people who
were on their roofs!”

“I couldn’t leave. I was terrified. I didn’t have any money, no car,
nothing. Where was I supposed to go? They shoulda had some buses. It’s me
and my five kids. I live in Desire, the Ninth Ward. I think it was a setup
to get black folks out of New Orleans forever. Look around. Who’s here?
Nobody but the black and the poor. They ain’t got but ten white families
in the whole Astrodome.”

“This came from a higher power, the alpha and the omega.”

At the Reliant Center, in Houston, Patricia Valentine, a
fifty-four-year-old woman from Treme, a black neighborhood near the French
Quarter, told me that her area was “waist high” in water and the
restaurants down the street “got nothing.” She was sitting in a wheelchair
and said that she had no intention of returning home. “They can have New
Orleans,” she said. “It’s a toxic-waste dump now. I was in Betsy forty
years ago: September, 1965. And the levee broke. What are we, stupid? Born
yesterday? It’s the same people drowning today as back then. They were
trying to move us out anyway. They want a bigger tourist attraction, and
we black folks ain’t no tourist attraction.”


The best-known writer to come from the Ninth Ward is Kalamu ya Salaam. A
poet, playwright, and civil-rights activist, Salaam used to go by the name
of Val Ferdinand. When I told Salaam what I was hearing in New Iberia and
Houston, he laughed, but not dismissively. He said, “The real question is
why not?” He recalled that in 1927, in the midst of the worst flooding of
the Mississippi River in recorded history, the white city fathers of New
Orleans—the men of the Louisiana Club, the Boston Club, and the Pickwick
Club—won permission from the federal government to dynamite the Caernarvon
levee, downriver from the city, to keep their interests dry. But
destroying the levee also insured that the surrounding poorer St. Bernard
and Plaquemines Parishes would flood. Thousands of the trappers who lived
there lost their homes and their livelihoods. The promise of compensation
was never fulfilled. That, plus the persistent rumors of what may or may
not have happened during Hurricane Betsy, Salaam said, has had a lingering
effect. “So when I heard on TV that there was a breach at the Seventeenth
Street levee, I figured they’d done it again,” he said. “Or, let’s just
say, I didn’t automatically assume that it was accidental.”

Lolis Eric Elie, an African-American columnist for the New Orleans
Times-Picayune, told me he didn’t believe that the levees were blown
deliberately—“and most black folks with some education or money don’t,
either”—but he could “easily” understand why so many were suspicious.
“Blacks, in a state of essential slavery, built those very levees that
were blown up in 1927. When the ships came to rescue people, whites made
damn sure not to rescue blacks in Mississippi because of their fear that
the blacks wouldn’t return to work the farms. If black life is not
valued—and isn’t that what you were seeing for days in New Orleans?—then
the specifics of the explanations are irrelevant. You begin to say to
yourself, ‘How do you aid tsunami victims instantly and only three or four
days later get to New Orleans? What explanation other than race can there
be?’ I believe the real explanation is manifold, but I can understand how
people start believing these things.”

In Washington, whites dismissed The Plan as part of the “pathology” of
poverty. Nevertheless, in D.C. and other cities, legends of conspiracy
persisted as the counter-narrative to the conventional view of inexorable
progress and the growing black middle class. Many in the population left
behind could believe almost anything: that aids had been concocted in
government laboratories as part of an anti-black conspiracy; that the
government distributed crack in black neighborhoods as a genocidal
practice; that the Klan has ownership interests in Church’s Chicken, Kool
cigarettes, and Tropical Fantasy soft drinks and uses them all to damage
the health, and even sterilize, African-Americans; that between 1979 and
1981 the F.B.I. took part in a string of murders of black children in
Atlanta. Scholars such as Patricia Turner, at the University of
California, the author of “I Heard It Through the Grapevine,” have written
extensively on the role of rumor and conspiracy theory in the
African-American community, especially among the poor (and also on the
phenomenon of wild rumors about blacks among whites), and they make a
convincing case that these counter-narratives emerge from decades of
institutional racism and from particular episodes in American history,
such as the use of hundreds of poor African-Americans, between 1932 and
1972, as lab rats in U.S. government trials, known as the Tuskegee
experiments, on the effects of syphilis.

John Barry, in “Rising Tide,” his book about the 1927 flood, quotes a New
York Times account of a levee breach in Washington County, Mississippi, in
1912. An engineer who had run out of sandbags “ordered . . . several
hundred negroes . . . to lie on top of the levee and as close together as
possible. The black men obeyed, and although the spray frequently dashed
over them, they prevented the overflow that might have developed into an
ugly crevasse. For an hour and a half this lasted, until the additional
sandbags arrived.” The Times called the idea “brilliant.”

New Orleans was sixty-seven per cent African-American at the time of
Katrina. It always had a substantial black population—it was one of the
leading slave markets—and decades of migration starting at the time of
Reconstruction made it even larger. The city was, in per-capita terms, the
wealthiest in America before the Civil War and the wealthiest in the South
until the nineteen-twenties. No more. Few of the improvements in urban
America—the growth of the black middle class, the decline of the murder
rate, greater attention to inner-city schools—have taken firm hold in New
Orleans. There is hardly any industrial base, no major corporate
headquarters, no home-grown businesses on the scale of FedEx in Memphis,
Coca-Cola in Atlanta, the Hospital Corporation of America in Nashville.
Colonel Terry Ebbert, the head of Homeland Security in the city, told me,
“Drugs are the biggest business in town, bigger than tourism.” Small
wonder that at school-board meetings of Orleans Parish parents may think
the worst—for example, that magnet schools are part of an over-all plan of
educational disenfranchisement. Small wonder that they might believe that
the break in the levees was a plot.

“Perception is reality, and their reality is terrible,” Jim Amoss, the
editor of the Times-Picayune, said. “We are talking about people who are
very poor and have a precondition to accept this belief. Lots are cut off
from mainstream news and information. They are isolated in shelters and
they know a thing or two about victimization. It fits well into a system
of belief.”


In 1900, after a hurricane killed thousands in Galveston, Texas, the city
died as a port and the rise of the port of Houston began. After the floods
of 1927, John Barry writes, the city fathers of New Orleans began their
long decline into insular stagnation, Huey Long rose to power as governor
of Louisiana, and Herbert Hoover, who led the rescue program, was elected
President.

Catastrophe and displacement is not a subject only for the history books.
The fate of a city can change in a single turn of the weather. According
to polls, huge numbers of people now living in shelters say they will not
go back to New Orleans. Few have insurance policies or even bank accounts,
credit cards, or savings sufficient to start over. Many of them are sick
or unemployed. As Hurricane Rita bore down on Texas last week, there were
still roughly a hundred and fifty thousand evacuees in Houston alone. A
poll conducted jointly by the Washington Post, the Harvard School of
Public Health, and the Henry J. Kaiser Family Foundation showed that fewer
than half the evacuees in shelters will move back, and there was nothing
in my days of conversations in Houston, New Iberia, Lafayette, and
elsewhere that made that figure seem exaggerated.

Kalamu ya Salaam told me that he thought the suffering was far from over.
Hurricane Rita has made recovery even more difficult. For the moment,
people are focussed on the grace of their own survival, and are grateful
for the small and large acts of compassion that have come their way. And
yet, he said, “you are going to see a lot of suicides this winter. A lot
of poor people depend entirely on their extended family and their friends
who share their condition to be a buffer against the pain of that
condition. By winter, a lot of the generosity and aid that’s been so
palpable lately will begin to slow down and the reality of not going home
again will hit people hard. They will be very alone.

“People forget how important all those Social Aid and Pleasure Clubs are
for people. It’s a community for a lot of folks who have nothing. Some
people have never left New Orleans. Some have never seen snow. So you wake
up and you find yourself beyond the reach of friends, beyond the reach of
members of your family, and you are working in a fast-food restaurant in
Utah somewhere and there is no conceivable way for you to get back to the
city you love. How are you going to feel?”

_____________________________

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