continued...

Of Gods and Mortals and Empire
By William Rivers Pitt
t r u t h o u t .com

Vice President Dick Cheney is a founding member of PNAC, along with Defense 
Secretary Donald Rumsfeld and Defense Policy Board chairman Richard Perle. 
Deputy Defense Secretary Paul Wolfowitz is the ideological father of the 
group. Bruce Jackson, a PNAC director, served as a Pentagon official for 
Ronald Reagan before leaving government service to take a leading position 
with the weapons manufacturer Lockheed Martin.

PNAC is staffed by men who previously served with groups like Friends of 
the Democratic Center in Central America, which supported America's bloody 
gamesmanship in Nicaragua and El Salvador, and with groups like The 
Committee for the Present Danger, which spent years advocating that a 
nuclear war with the Soviet Union was "winnable."

PNAC has recently given birth to a new group, The Committee for the 
Liberation of Iraq, which met with National Security Advisor Condoleezza 
Rice in order to formulate a plan to "educate" the American populace about 
the need for war in Iraq. CLI has funneled millions of taxpayer dollars to 
support the Iraqi National Congress and the Iraqi heir presumptive, Ahmed 
Chalabi. Chalabi was sentenced in absentia by a Jordanian court in 1992 to 
22 years in prison for bank fraud after the collapse of Petra Bank, which 
he founded in 1977. Chalabi has not set foot in Iraq since 1956, but his 
Enron-like business credentials apparently make him a good match for the 
Bush administration's plans.

PNAC's "Rebuilding America's Defenses" report is the institutionalization 
of plans and ideologies that have been formulated for decades by the men 
currently running American government. The PNAC Statement of Principles is 
signed by Cheney, Wolfowitz and Rumsfeld, as well as by Eliot Abrams, Jeb 
Bush, Bush's special envoy to Afghanistan Zalmay Khalilzad, and many 
others. William Kristol, famed conservative writer for the Weekly Standard, 
is also a co-founder of the group. The Weekly Standard is owned by Ruppert 
Murdoch, who also owns international media giant Fox News

The desire for these freshly empowered PNAC men to extend American hegemony 
by force of arms across the globe has been there since day one of the Bush 
administration, and is in no small part a central reason for the Florida 
electoral battle in 2000. Note that while many have said that Gore and Bush 
are ideologically identical, Mr. Gore had no ties whatsoever to the fellows 
at PNAC. George W. Bush had to win that election by any means necessary, 
and PNAC signatory Jeb Bush was in the perfect position to ensure the rise 
to prominence of his fellow imperialists. Desire for such action, however, 
is by no means translatable into workable policy. Americans enjoy their 
comforts, but don't cotton to the idea of being some sort of Neo-Rome.

On September 11th, the fellows from PNAC saw a door of opportunity open 
wide before them, and stormed right through it.

Bush released on September 20th 2001 the "National Security Strategy of the 
United States of America." It is an ideological match to PNAC's "Rebuilding 
America's Defenses" report issued a year earlier. In many places, it uses 
exactly the same language to describe America's new place in the world. 
Recall that PNAC demanded an increase in defense spending to at least 3.8% 
of GDP. Bush's proposed budget for next year asks for $379 billion in 
defense spending, almost exactly 3.8% of GDP.

In August of 2002, Defense Policy Board chairman and PNAC member Richard 
Perle heard a policy briefing from a think tank associated with the Rand 
Corporation. According to the Washington Post and The Nation, the final 
slide of this presentation described "Iraq as the tactical pivot, Saudi 
Arabia as the strategic pivot, and Egypt as the prize" in a war that would 
purportedly be about ridding the world of Saddam Hussein's weapons. Bush 
has deployed massive forces into the Mideast region, while simultaneously 
engaging American forces in the Philippines and playing nuclear chicken 
with North Korea. Somewhere in all this lurks at least one of the "major 
theater wars" desired by the September 2000 PNAC report.

Iraq is but the beginning, a pretense for a wider conflict. Donald Kagan, a 
central member of PNAC, sees America establishing permanent military bases 
in Iraq after the war. This is purportedly a measure to defend the peace in 
the Middle East, and to make sure the oil flows. The nations in that 
region, however, will see this for what it is: a jump-off point for 
American forces to invade any nation in that region they choose to. The 
American people, anxiously awaiting some sort of exit plan after America 
defeats Iraq, will see too late that no exit is planned.

All of the horses are traveling together at speed here. The defense 
contractors who sup on American tax revenue will be handsomely paid for 
arming this new American empire. The corporations that own the news media 
will sell this eternal war at a profit, as viewership goes through the 
stratosphere when there is combat to be shown. Those within the 
administration who believe that the defense of Israel is contingent upon 
laying waste to every possible aggressor in the region will have their 
dreams fulfilled. The PNAC men who wish for a global Pax Americana at 
gunpoint will see their plans unfold. Through it all, the bankrollers from 
the WTO and the IMF will be able to dictate financial terms to the entire 
planet. This last aspect of the plan is pivotal, and is best described in 
the newly revised version of Greg Palast's masterpiece, "The Best Democracy 
Money Can Buy."

There will be adverse side effects. The siege mentality average Americans 
are suffering as they smother behind yards of plastic sheeting and duct 
tape will increase by orders of magnitude as our aggressions bring forth 
new terrorist attacks against the homeland. These attacks will require the 
implementation of the newly drafted Patriot Act II, an augmentation of the 
previous Act that has profoundly sharper teeth. The sun will set on the 
Constitution and Bill of Rights.

The American economy will be ravaged by the need for increased defense 
spending, and by the aforementioned "constabulary" duties in Iraq, 
Afghanistan and elsewhere. Former allies will turn on us. Germany, France 
and the other nations resisting this Iraq war are fully aware of this game 
plan. They are not acting out of cowardice or because they love Saddam 
Hussein, but because they mean to resist this rising American empire, lest 
they face economic and military serfdom at the hands of George W. Bush. 
Richard Perle has already stated that France is no longer an American ally. 
As the eagle spreads its wings, our rhetoric and their resistance will 
become more agitated and dangerous.

Many people, of course, will die. They will die from war and from want, 
from famine and disease. At home, the social fabric will be torn in ways 
that make the Reagan nightmares of crack addiction, homelessness and AIDS 
seem tame by comparison.

This is the price to be paid for empire, and the men of PNAC who now 
control the fate and future of America are more than willing to pay it. For 
them, the benefits far outweigh the liabilities.

The plan was running smoothly until those two icebergs collided. Millions 
and millions of ordinary people are making it very difficult for Bush's 
international allies to keep to the script. PNAC may have designs for the 
control of the "International Commons" of the internet, but for now it is 
the staging ground for a movement that would see empire take a back seat to 
a wise peace, human rights, equal protection under the law, and the 
preponderance of a justice that will, if properly applied, do away forever 
with the anger and hatred that gives birth to terrorism in the first place.

Tommaso Palladini of Milan perhaps said it best as he marched with his 
countrymen in Rome. "You fight terrorism," he said, "by creating more 
justice in the world."

The People versus the Powerful is the oldest story in human history. At no 
point in history have the Powerful wielded so much control. At no point in 
history has the active and informed involvement of the People, all of them, 
been more absolutely required. The tide can be stopped, and the men who 
desire empire by the sword can be thwarted. It has already begun, but it 
must not cease. These are men of will, and they do not intend to fail.

-------

William Rivers Pitt is a New York Times bestselling author of two books - 
"War On Iraq" (with Scott Ritter) available now from Context Books, and 
"The Greatest Sedition is Silence," available in May 2003 from Pluto Press. 
He teaches high school in Boston, MA.

Scott Lowery contributed research to this report.

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