continued:

And the worst still lies ahead.  General Joseph Hoar, the former head of
the Marine Corps, said "I believe we are absolutely on the brink of
failure. We are looking into the abyss."

When a senior, respected military leader like Joe Hoar uses the word
"abyss," then the rest of us damn well better listen.  Here is what he
means: more American soldiers dying, Iraq slipping into worse chaos and
violence, no end in sight, with our influence and moral authority
seriously damaged.

Retired Marine Corps General Anthony Zinni, who headed Central Command
before becoming President Bush's personal emissary to the Middle East,
said recently that our nation's current course is  "headed over Niagara
Falls."

The Commander of the 82nd Airborne Division, Army Major General Charles H.
Swannack, Jr., asked by the Washington Post whether he believes the United
States is losing the war in Iraq, replied, "I think strategically, we
are."  Army Colonel Paul Hughes, who directed strategic planning for the
US occupation authority in Baghdad, compared what he sees in Iraq to the
Vietnam War, in which he lost his brother: "I promised myself when I came
on active duty that I would do everything in my power to prevent that …
from happening again. " Noting that Vietnam featured a pattern of winning
battles while losing the war, Hughes added "unless we ensure that we have
coherence in our policy, we will lose strategically."

The White House spokesman, Dan Bartlett was asked on live television about
these scathing condemnations by Generals involved in the highest levels of
Pentagon planning and he replied, "Well they're retired, and we take our
advice from active duty officers."

But amazingly, even active duty military officers are speaking out against
President Bush. For example, the Washington Post quoted an unnamed senior
General at the Pentagon as saying, "the current OSD (Office of the
Secretary of Defense) refused to listen or adhere to military advice." 
Rarely if ever in American history have uniformed commanders felt
compelled to challenge their commander in chief in public.

The Post also quoted an unnamed general as saying, "Like a lot of senior
Army guys I'm quite angry" with Rumsfeld and the rest of the Bush
Administration. He listed two reasons. "I think they are going to break
the Army," he said, adding that what really incites him is "I don't think
they care."

In his upcoming book, Zinni blames the current catastrophe on the Bush
team's incompetence early on.  "In the lead-up to the Iraq war, and its
later conduct," he writes,  "I saw at a minimum, true dereliction,
negligence and irresponsibility, at worst, lying, incompetence and
corruption."

Zinni's book will join a growing library of volumes by former advisors to
Bush -- including his principal advisor on terrorism, Richard Clarke; his
principal economic policy advisor, former Treasury Secretary Paul O'Neill,
former Ambassador Joe Wilson, who was honored by Bush's father for his
service in Iraq, and his former Domestic Adviser on faith-based
organizations, John Dilulio, who said, "There is no precedent in any
modern White House for what is going on in this one: a complete lack of a
policy apparatus. What you've got is everything, and I mean everything,
run by the political arm.  It's the reign of the Mayberry Machiavellis."

Army Chief of Staff General Eric Shinseki told Congress in February that
the occupation could require "several hundred thousand troops." But
because Rumsfeld and Bush did not want to hear disagreement with their
view that Iraq could be invaded at a much lower cost, Shinseki was hushed
and then forced out.

And as a direct result of this incompetent plan and inadequate troop
strength, young soldiers were put in an untenable position.  For example,
young reservists assigned to the Iraqi prisons were called up without
training or adequate supervision, and were instructed by their superiors
to "break down" prisoners in order to prepare them for interrogation.

To make matters worse, they were placed in a confusing situation where the
chain of command was criss-crossed between intelligence gathering and
prison administration, and further confused by an unprecedented mixing of
military and civilian contractor authority.

The soldiers who are accused of committing these atrocities are, of
course, responsible for their own actions and if found guilty, must be
severely and appropriately punished. But they are not the ones primarily
responsible for the disgrace that has been brought upon the United States
of America.

Private Lynndie England did not make the decision that the United States
would not observe the Geneva Convention. Specialist Charles Graner was not
the one who approved a policy of establishing an American Gulag of dark
rooms with naked prisoners to be "stressed" and even -- we must use the
word -- tortured -- to force them to say things that legal procedures
might not induce them to say.

These policies were designed and insisted upon by the Bush White House. 
Indeed, the President's own legal counsel advised him specifically on the
subject. His secretary of defense and his assistants pushed these cruel
departures from historic American standards over the objections of the
uniformed military, just as the Judge Advocates General within the Defense
Department were so upset and opposed that they took the unprecedented step
of seeking help from a private lawyer in this city who specializes in
human rights and said to him, "There is a calculated effort to create an
atmosphere of legal ambiguity" where the mistreatment of prisoners is
concerned."

Indeed, the secrecy of the program indicates an understanding that the
regular military culture and mores would not support these activities and
neither would the American public or the world community.  Another
implicit acknowledgement of violations of accepted standards of behavior
is the process of farming out prisoners to countries less averse to
torture and giving assignments to private contractors

President Bush set the tone for our attitude for suspects in his State of
the Union address. He noted that more than 3,000 "suspected terrorists"
had been arrested in many countries and then he added, "and many others
have met a different fate. Let's put it this way: they are no longer a
problem to the United States and our allies."

George Bush promised to change the tone in Washington. And indeed he did.
As many as 37 prisoners may have been murdered while in captivity, though
the numbers are difficult to rely upon because in many cases involving
violent death, there were no autopsies.

How dare they blame their misdeeds on enlisted personnel from a Reserve
unit in upstate New York.  President Bush owes more than one apology. On
the list of those he let down are the young soldiers who are themselves
apparently culpable, but who were clearly put into a moral cesspool. The
perpetrators as well as the victims were both placed in their relationship
to one another by the policies of George W. Bush.

How dare the incompetent and willful members of this Bush/Cheney
Administration humiliate our nation and our people in the eyes of the
world and in the conscience of our own people. How dare they subject us to
such dishonor and disgrace. How dare they drag the good name of the United
States of America through the mud of Saddam Hussein's torture prison.

David Kay concluded his search for weapons of mass destruction in Iraq
with the famous verdict: "we were all wrong."  And for many Americans,
Kay's statement seemed to symbolize the awful collision between Reality
and all of the false and fading impressions President Bush had fostered in
building support for his policy of going to war.

Now the White House has informed the American people that they were also
"all wrong" about their decision to place their faith in Ahmed Chalabi,
even though they have paid him 340,000 dollars per month. 33 million
dollars and placed him adjacent to Laura Bush at the State of the Union
address. Chalabi had been convicted of fraud and embezzling 70 million
dollars in public funds from a Jordanian bank, and escaped prison by
fleeing the country.  But in spite of that record, he had become one of
key advisors to the Bush Administration on planning and promoting the War
against Iraq.

And they repeatedly cited him as an authority, perhaps even a future
president of Iraq.  Incredibly, they even ferried him and his private army
into Baghdad in advance of anyone else, and allowed him to seize control
over Saddam's secret papers.

Now they are telling the American people that he is a spy for Iran who has
been duping the President of the United States for all these years.

One of the Generals in charge of this war policy went on a speaking tour
in his spare time to declare before evangelical groups that the US is in a
holy war as "Christian Nation battling Satan."  This same General Boykin
was the person who ordered the officer who was in charge of the detainees
in Guantanamo Bay to extend his methods to Iraq detainees, prisoners.  …
The testimony from the prisoners is that they were forced to curse their
religion   Bush used the word "crusade" early on in the war against Iraq,
and then commentators pointed out that it was singularly inappropriate
because of the history and sensitivity of the Muslim world and then a few
weeks later he used it again.

"We are now being viewed as the modern Crusaders, as the modern colonial
power in this part of the world," Zinni said.

What a terrible irony that our country, which was founded by refugees
seeking religious freedom -- coming to America to escape domineering
leaders who tried to get them to renounce their religion -- would now be
responsible for this kind of abuse..

Ameen Saeed al-Sheikh told the Washington Post that he was tortured and
ordered to denounce Islam and after his leg was broken one of his
torturers started hitting it while ordering him to curse Islam and then,
"they ordered me to thank Jesus that I'm alive." Others reported that they
were forced to eat pork and drink alcohol.

In my religious tradition, I have been taught that "ye shall know them by
their fruits. Do men gather grapes of thorns, or figs of thistles? Even
so, every good tree bringeth forth good fruit; but a corrupt tree bringeth
forth evil fruit. Wherefore by their fruits ye shall know them."

The President convinced a majority of the country that Saddam Hussein was
responsible for attacking us on September 11th. But in truth he had
nothing whatsoever to do with it. The President convinced the country with
a mixture of forged documents and blatantly false assertions that Saddam
was in league with Al Qaeda, and that he was "indistinguishable" from
Osama bin Laden.

 He asked the nation, in his State of the Union address, to "imagine" how
terrified we should be that Saddam was about to give nuclear weapons to
terrorists and stated repeatedly that Iraq posed a grave and gathering
threat to our nation. He planted the seeds of war, and harvested a
whirlwind.  And now, the "corrupt tree" of a war waged on false premises
has brought us the "evil fruit" of Americans torturing and humiliating
prisoners.

In my opinion, John Kerry is dealing with this unfolding tragedy in an
impressive and extremely responsible way. Our nation's best interest lies
in having a new president who can turn a new page, sweep clean with a new
broom, and take office on January 20th of next year with the ability to
make a fresh assessment of exactly what our nation's strategic position is
as of the time the reigns of power are finally wrested from the group of
incompetents that created this catastrophe.

Kerry should not tie his own hands by offering overly specific, detailed
proposals concerning a situation that is rapidly changing and
unfortunately, rapidly deteriorating, but should rather preserve his, and
our country's, options, to retrieve our national honor as soon as this
long national nightmare is over.

Eisenhower did not propose a five-point plan for changing America's
approach to the Korean War when he was running for president in 1952.


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