BUSH PRESSES FOR WAR
Bill Hartung

There was a surreal quality about President Bush's "news conference"
setting out his case for why the United States must abandon diplomacy
and accelerate the march toward war with Iraq.  In a mood that many
analysts described as somber but which I perceived as robotic and
distant, Bush called out the names of a pre-selected list of reporters
and responded to their questions with snippets of his stump speech about
why Saddam Hussein is an evil man who must be subjected to "regime
change." 

The weakest element of Bush's presentation was his failure to explain
what the rush is all about.  Saddam Hussein's regime is beginning to
cooperate more fully with UN weapons inspectors, no doubt in significant
part because of the threat of force posed by U.S. forces gathering in
the region.  He has no missiles that can reach the United States.  The
International Atomic Energy Agency (which Bush inadvertently referred to
as the "IEAE" instead of the "IAEA" during his press conference) has
suggested that not only does Iraq not currently possess nuclear weapons
or the facilities to make them, but that with a few more months of
inspections, the agency should be in a position to verify whether all
remnants of Iraq's nuclear weapons program have been eliminated.  What
remains of Iraq's chemical and biological weapons programs is really all
that is at issue now, and top UN inspector Hans Blix is clearly of the
opinion that the with the increased cooperation created by the threat of
force these programs too can be substantially dismantled.

Given these realities, where is the case for a war that the Bush
administration seems ready to launch within weeks, if not days?  It's
all about ideology.  It's clearly not about the facts of the case -
otherwise Bush wouldn't have trotted out that discredited line about a
"poison factory" in Northern Iraq.  The so-called factory, which was
referenced in Colin Powell's Security Council presentation last month,
is in an enclave in Northern Iraq controlled by the Islamic group Al
Ansar, a split-off from the anti-Saddam Kurdish movement in Northern
Iraq which gets the bulk of its material support from Iran, Saddam
Hussein's longstanding regional adversary.  Not only does Al Ansar have
no operational links to Saddam Hussein, but the "poison factory" is not
a poison factory.  A group of international journalists, including one
from the United States' only staunch anti-Iraq ally, the United Kingdom,
visited the alleged poison factory site after Powell's presentation and
found a hodge podge of shacks with barely enough electricity to run a
few light bulbs, much less power a chem/bio weapons laboratory.  It's
quite likely that the Bush administration's new rumors about hidden
Iraqi missile production capabilities and other alleged transgressions
will prove equally dubious upon inspection.  But the administration is
banking on the fact that once the war starts; the time for these kinds
of questions will have passed.

My friend and colleague Michael Klare, a respected arms analyst who
heads the Five Colleges' Peace and World Security Studies program in
Western Massachusetts, gave his take on Bush's press conference in a
radio interview on WBAI in New York this morning. He said that Bush's
demeanor represented the somber tone of a man who truly believed what he
was saying - that Saddam Hussein is the greatest threat to peace in the
world, that the United States has a God-given responsibility to remove
him from power, and so forth.  This is far scarier than the notion that
Bush is the front man for Dick Cheney and Donald Rumsfeld, and probably
closer to the truth.  The Bush doctrine of "preemption" mixed with
Bush's own peculiar brand of religious faith yields a policy in which
overthrowing governments that the President perceives to be a potential
threat to the United States at some unspecified future date is not
merely seen as a policy option, but as a moral obligation.  The fact
that the leaders of most major religious denominations in the U.S., not
to mention many of our major allies and the vast majority of the world's
people, oppose a war with Iraq, does not seem to weigh particularly
heavily in Bush's calculations.  He has described the millions who
marched against the war on the week-end of February 15th and 16th as the
equivalent of a "focus group" and suggested that they won't change his
mind, and he has apparently lectured an emissary of the pope on why
going to war with Iraq is in fact the moral and holy thing to do,
regardless of what the Vatican or any other religious authority may say
on the subject.

So, where does that leave us?  With a lot of work to do.  We need the
biggest turnouts we can muster at this weekend's International Women's
Day actions against the war, and we need to stay strong and courageous
if and when the bombs start falling.  We need to continue to voice
support for the governments that are willing to veto or vote against a
war resolution in the UN Security Council, and try to strengthen the
backbones of any and all members of Congress willing to denounce the
"rush to war" and ideally, the war itself.  Anything that promotes delay
at this point helps the forces of peace.  If Bush does pull the trigger
on the war in the next few days or weeks, we need to keep the pressure
on for alternatives, and battle the White House spin control machine in
defining for the public what this war (and the other potential wars on
the administration's agenda) really means for America and the world.

________________
The Arms Trade Resource Center was established in 1993 to engage in public 
education and policy advocacy aimed at promoting restraint in the international 
arms trade.

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