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The Iran War Buildup
by MICHAEL T. KLARE
The Nation

[posted online on July 21, 2005]

There is no evidence that President Bush has already made the decision to
attack Iran if Tehran proceeds with uranium-enrichment activities viewed
in Washington as precursors to the manufacture of nuclear munitions. Top
Administration officials are known to have argued in favor of military
action if Tehran goes ahead with these plans--a step considered more
likely with the recent election of arch-conservative Mahmoud Ahmadinejad
as Iran's president--but Bush, so far as is known, has not yet made up his
mind in the matter. One thing does appear certain, however: Bush has given
the Defense Department approval to develop scenarios for such an attack
and to undertake various preliminary actions. As was the case in 2002
regarding Iraq, the building blocks for an attack in Iran are beginning to
be put into place.

We may never know exactly when President Bush made up his mind to invade
Iraq--some analysts say the die was cast as early as November 2001; others
claim it was not until October 2002--but whatever the case, it is beyond
dispute that planning for the invasion was well advanced in July 2002,
when British intelligence officials visited Washington and issued what has
come to be known as the Downing Street memo, informing Prime Minister Tony
Blair that war was nearly inevitable.

What these officials undoubtedly discovered--as was being reported in
certain newspapers at the time--was that senior officers of the US Central
Command (CENTCOM) in Tampa, Florida, had already been developing detailed
scenarios for an invasion of Iraq and that Defense Secretary Donald
Rumsfeld had been deeply involved in these preparations. On July 5, 2002,
for example, the New York Times revealed that "an American military
planning document calls for air, land, and sea-based forces to attack Iraq
from three directions--the north, south, and west." Further details of
this document and other blueprints for war appeared in the Washington Post
and the Wall Street Journal. At the same time, moreover, the Pentagon
reportedly stepped up its aerial and electronic surveillance of military
forces in Iraq.

This record is worth revisiting because of the many parallels to the
current situation. Just as Bush gave ambiguous signals about his
intentions regarding Iraq in 2002--denying that a decision had been made
to invade but never ruling it out--so, today, he is giving similar signals
with respect to Iran. "This notion that the United States is getting ready
to attack Iran is simply ridiculous," Bush declared in Belgium on February
22. He then added: "Having said that, all options are on the table." And,
just as Bush's 2002 denials of an intent to invade Iraq were accompanied
by intense preparations for just such an outcome, so, today, one can
detect similar preparations for an attack on Iran.

Just what form such an attack might take has probably not yet been
decided. Just as he considered several plans for an invasion of Iraq
before settling on the plan described in the Times, Rumsfeld is no doubt
considering a variety of options for action against Iran. These could
range from a burst of air and missile attacks to a proxy war involving
Iranian opposition militias or a full-scale US invasion. All have obvious
advantages and disadvantages. An air and missile attack would undoubtedly
destroy some key nuclear centers but could leave some hidden facilities
intact; it would also leave the hated clerical regime in place. The use of
proxy forces could also fail in this regard. An invasion might solve these
problems but would place almost intolerable demands on the deeply
over-stretched US Army.

It is these considerations, no doubt, that are preoccupying US military
planners today. But while a final decision on these options may be put off
for a time, the Defense Department cannot wait to make preparations for an
assault if it expects to move swiftly once the President gives the
go-ahead. Hence, it is taking steps now to prepare for the implementation
of any conceivable plan.

The first step in such a process is to verify the location of possible
targets in Iran and to assess the effectiveness of Iranian defenses. The
identification of likely targets apparently began late last year, when the
Central Intelligence Agency and US Special Operations Forces (SOF) began
flying unmanned "Predator" spy planes over Iran and sending small
reconnaissance teams directly into Iranian territory. These actions, first
revealed by Seymour Hersh in The New Yorker in January, are supposedly
intended to pinpoint the location of hidden Iranian weapons facilities for
possible attack by US air and ground forces. "The goal," Hersh explained,
"is to identify and isolate three dozen, and perhaps more, such targets
that could be destroyed by precision [air] strikes and short-term commando
raids."

It is also probable, says military analyst William Arkin, that CENTCOM is
probing Iran's air and shore defenses by sending electronic surveillance
planes and submarines into--or just to the edge of--Iranian coastal areas.
"I would be greatly surprised if they're not doing this," he said in an
interview. "The intent would be to 'light up' Iranian radars and
command/control facilities, so as to pinpoint their location and gauge
their effectiveness." It was precisely this sort of aggressive probing
that led to the collision between a US EP-3E electronic spy plane and a
Chinese fighter over the South China Sea in April 2001.

As this information becomes available, it is no doubt being fed into the
various "strategic concepts" and "strike packages" being developed by US
strategists for possible action against Iran. That such efforts are indeed
under way is confirmed by reports in the international press that Pentagon
officials have met with their Israeli counterparts to discuss the possible
participation of Israeli aircraft in some of these scenarios. Although no
public acknowledgment of such talks has been made, Vice President Dick
Cheney declared in January that "the Israelis might well decide to act
first" if Iran proceeded with the development of nuclear
weapons--obviously hinting that Washington would look with favor upon such
a move.

There are also indications that the CIA and SOF officials have met with
Iranian opposition forces--in particular, the Mujaheddin-e Khalq (MEK)--to
discuss their possible involvement in commando raids inside Iran or a
full-scale proxy war. In one such report, Newsweek disclosed in February
that the Bush Administration "is seeking to cull useful MEK members as
operatives for use against Tehran." (Although the MEK is listed on the
State Department's roster of terrorist groups, its forces are "gently
treated" by the American troops guarding their compound in eastern Iraq,
Newsweek revealed.)

Given the immense stress now being placed on US ground forces in Iraq, it
is likely that the Pentagon's favored plan for military action in Iran
involves some combination of airstrikes and the use of proxy forces like
the MEK. But even a small-scale assault of this sort is likely to provoke
retaliatory action by Iran--possibly entailing missile strikes on oil
tankers in the Persian Gulf or covert aid to the insurgency in Iraq. This
being the case, CENTCOM would also have to develop plans for a wide range
of escalatory moves.

Repeating what was said at the outset, there is no evidence that President
Bush has already made the decision to attack Iran. But there are many
indications that planning for such a move is well under way--and if the
record of Iraq (and other wars) teaches us anything, it is that such
planning, once commenced, is very hard to turn around. Hence, we should
not wait until after relations with Iran have reached the crisis point to
advise against US military action. We should begin acting now, before the
march to war becomes irreversible.

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