On 30 Jan 97 at 7:23, Robert Cherry wrote:

> In a previous posting I wrote:
>  
> > 3. If Sweeney is worth anything, why wouldn't he want to have a mass 
> > mobilization around Real Full Employment?  Is it foolish to think that
> having 
> > a real Labor Day next September when in every city the unions have a 
> > mobilization with other groups around real full employment is impossible?
> 
> Max Sawicky responded:  
> 
> >I wouldn't be surprized if something like this 
> >did come off at some point.  Now isn't the best 
> >time.  We are reduced to saying let's mobilize
> >because unemployment could be a percent
> >(or two) less.  Not very blood-curdling.
> >  The time to ring that bell is when UE is over seven
> >and the govt is visibly reluctant to do anything.
> >Then the exposure available makes it possible
> >to press for a policy of 'probing' to push UE
> >down below five percent and beyond.
> 
> 1. If bringing the UE down by a percent (or two) isn't very blood-curdling 
> when is it so much so when we are talking about bringing it down from 7 
> percent to 5-5.5 percent?

In my perception of the political/media/public treatment of UE,
when UE breaches 7.0 it's a signal that there's a problem.  Short
of that, we're in the de factor NAIRU zone, under the conventional
wisdom.  If it is possible to make an effective stink when we're
at 5.5 I would be delighted to have a hand in doing so.

> 2. It is particularly important to bring it down to 4-4.5 percent if we are 
> concerned with race and gender issues.  Firms will be prodded by low 
> unemployment rates to hire from groups which they have been reluctant to 
> because of negative stereotypes or their own preferences.  If we really 
> want to see more race and gender integration THROUGHOUT the occupational 
> distribution then this is what we should be focused on.  

I couldn't agree more.  In fact, the welfare "reform" makes this 
point more salient, as you point out next.
 
> 3. Given the attack on welfare and affirmative action it is particularly 
> crucial to have a move toward REAL full employment.  Indeed, we could argue 
> that for those who favor these programmatic reversals, there should be a 
> particular focus on keeping labor markets tight so that former welfare 
> mothers can find employment and firms do not backpedal on diversity hirings.

> 4. The idea that when UE is over seven is the appropriate time  is quite 
> problematic.  As you see with fighting a rearguard action concerning 
> balancing the budget, to be effective it will be argued that there must be a 
> focus on expansionary policies with no room for a "controversial" proposal to 
> drive the UE below 5 percent. Moreover, in the best of circumstances, it 
> takes two years for the rate to be driven down to 5-5.5 percent so that any 
> discussion of proposals for how far to drive down the rate would also be 
> considered "premature."    

That's well-taken.

> While points #2 and #3 are not "blood-curdling" they do give reasons that 
> make the issue much more than simply lowering the unemployment rate a notch.

I think the idea for a report which surveys the issue of
unemployment at "full" employment is a good one and
will forward it to our labor market contingent here.  How
the politics of this is pursued is another matter, though I
have a few lines of communication to the AFL-CIO which
I can tap on that score.

MBS
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Max B. Sawicky            Economic Policy Institute
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