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Weekly Observer:
29th July 2004.
The day Obote banned parties

FOOTNOTE

On January 25, 1971, Gen. Idi Amin overthrew Milton Obote’s government in a military coup. Obote, who was then attending a Commonwealth summit in Singapore, fled into exile in Tanzania.

Idi Amin was himself overthrown on April 11, 1979 by a combined force of the Tanzania army and Ugandan exiles (under the Uganda National Liberation Army – UNLA).

Obote returned from exile on May 27, 1980 and his UPC was declared the winner of the controversial general elections held on December 10, 1980. Obote was sworn in as president for the second time in January 1981, but his UPC government was again overthrown by the UNLA led by Lt. Gen. Bazilio Olara Okello and Gen. Tito Okello on May 27, 1985. Obote fled via Kenya into exile in Zambia, where he still lives today...

Dr. Milton Obote

On December 19, 1969, the Uganda Peoples Congress (UPC) adopted a resolution establishing a one party state in Uganda during a Delegates Conference at Lugogo Indoor Stadium. Then President Milton Obote, who was also UPC president, closed the conference and thanked delegates for the work well done. Obote was to survive an assassination attempt later that night. Below is the edited version of the speech he delivered:-

Introduction: Comrades, I have no resolution to propose, and I have no motion to debate. I stand before you just as I stood at the beginning of this conference. This time I am before you to express deep satisfaction with the work which all of us have done at this conference. (Uproar).

Comrades, we cannot doubt the fact that the goals of society are worthy of critical examination from time to time, and that in the process of examination, adjustments have to be made. This is something, which is not only applicable to Uganda but is one, which is recognised throughout the world.

A growing society cannot live only by the past performances or by the policies of the past. New policies have to be framed, discussed, adopted and implemented…

In the life of UPC we produced what I have termed a comprehensive manifesto in 1962. Some aspects of that manifesto do not these days apply for the simple reason that some have already been implemented and some have been overtaken by time.

Elections: Talking about elections, there may be persons who still feel that in a general election the ugly head of feudalism may still be shown. I want to indicate to you that if there are such people we can afford to laugh at their dreams.

We shall examine most critically the type of person who should stand in an election, in urban authorities, in the district councils and to the national Parliament.

Some of the very, very dangerous rich people, we shall examine whether it is good that they stand as candidates. (Uproar). Or I can see a problem arising in a country where the majority are poor, having dangerous rich people in Parliament.

We shall examine most critically whether persons who are directors of 10, 15, 50 companies should stand as candidates to Parliament. We shall examine whether those who before 1966 or before 1967, used to receive income from official estates are suitable to represent the people.

We shall also examine whether [those] who in broad daylight refused to swear [by] the Republican Constitution should ever see the inside of Parliament again.

Comrades, I am here to say goodbye to you. I want to tell you that what I have just now been saying represents a very tiny aspect of what the Executive and Cabinet will be doing in order to implement the common man’s charter in a revolutionary manner.

Army free to participate in politics: This conference has also made history. This morning we had a moving speech from Maj. Gen. Idi Amin. A speech I hope you delegates will take back home and repeat to the people who sent you here.

This afternoon, we had a message from the Police. Unfortunately the Inspector General was unable to come because he is not feeling well, and he is indisposed. In that message we were told clearly how the Police Force is working. Again this afternoon many of you, I believe, had your first lesson over a very important aspect of nation building, which is being carried out by the Commissioner of the Prisons, his officers and men under him. That speech that he gave to you this afternoon, I would not like you to forget.
From tonight, or as from tomorrow you will hear a lot of nonsense, a lot of stupidity you will hear. There will be people to say how can a person in uniform go and address a political meeting.

I am satisfied in my own mind that the system which the British left with us whereby leaders of this kind are not allowed into meetings of this kind was a system to make us waste talent and leaders.

One of the things we lack in Africa is leaders, to say that some leaders should be in civil service but should not talk, some of the leaders should be in uniform but should not talk, is to make us mark time and to write across the world that we have no people to lead this country.

I believe that if we had started in this way in 1962, today the standard of debate in our conferences, the standard of performance in our duties in our various departments would have been very high.

My eyes were opened today. (Uproar). We were wrong, we were wrong to lock brains, let us open brains to the people of Uganda.

Uganda to be one party state: You have passed a resolution urging government to amend the Republican Constitution to establish a one party system in this country. (Uproar).

I do not think this resolution has come as a surprise to anybody in Uganda. I do not think that this resolution should worry anybody in Uganda. I do not think that this resolution should worry anybody. It is a perfectly normal resolution, which naturally has followed on the events as they have been unfolding themselves throughout this republic.

In fact, I think this conference has been very polite; you should have condemned the government for having provided in the Republican Constitution that there were other parties in Uganda capable of administering this country, leading this country and building a nation in Uganda.

You should have condemned the government, for looking around, do we have a party to talk about besides the UPC? Which one is this we are talking about, which party? There used to be one with green and something else. But that one died in 1962. (Uproar).

Why do I say that it died in 1962? I made a slight reference to it yesterday. Let me repeat the same slight reference. That party since its formation has issued only one non-policy statement, one. And in that one policy statement which is still their current policy statement, they say when independence comes, Uganda shall have Her Majesty the Queen as head of state to be represented in Uganda by governor James. And then a period shall pass when the Kabaka of Buganda, the Omugabe of Ankole, Omukama of Toro, Omukama of Bunyoro, should jointly be heads of state or one of them should be elected president. Is that party still alive? (Uproar).

A party that is still doubting the independence of Uganda, a party that does not know that all these words they are talking about, kaba, a, k, a, b, a, ka [kabaka], I do not know even how to spell it, this thing doesn’t exist… This thing does not exist, this thing is not there. You should have condemned the government.

There is no other party but of course we all know, we have all seen snakes. When you cut off the head of the snake, the tail goes on wading, wading and anybody coming will start running that there is a snake.

There is no snake, nevertheless, we accept, we the government and the central executive, we accept the resolution. You have urged the government; we do not need to be urged. We take your resolution as a directive. We shall do it.

Comrade, comrades, I thank you for your effective participation in this conference, I thank you for the very high standard of debate that we all witnessed and I thank you for the work you are doing in the branches and in the constituency.

I remain your obedient servant. (Great uproar).
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