This scares the wits out of me. Read on...... ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Billet Magara
Project Eagle: America’s military base in Botswana
In 1985 a military satellite, identified as American, was seen hovering over Southern African skies for several months. Debate raged as to the intentions of the US military in the region, which at that time had seen the independence of Zimbabwe five years earlier. It was said, then, that the west was probably looking for a strategic foothold in the region, which would be of geo-political advantage to them. Several challenges overshadowed United States’ interests in Southern Africa.
The recent freedom and independence of Zimbabwe meant that Umkhonto weSizwe (MK), the fighting wing of the African National Congress (ANC) would have a closer launch pad against economic installations in apartheid South Africa. The imminent freedom of Namibia would also stretch the defences of the SA regime to the limit with SWAPO giving bases to MK. The inevitable freedom of South Africa itself was a thorn in the sides of multi-national companies whose interests sought protection from countries of origin such as USA and UK. The creation of a new military power block comprising countries such as Zimbabwe, South Africa, Namibia, Mozambique and Namibia was a palpable threat. Conflicts within the region were a possibility, which meant that in time, the region would become a bustling military bazaar for American, French, British and Canadian and opposing Russian, Ukrainian and Chinese weapons. What was required was the establishment of a military watchtower that could plunge the region into an inevitable war and arms race.
Since the CIA had lost its base in the Liberian war, the ripe nation to establish another was Botswana. It was appropriate from many fronts. It was a peaceful country, rich with diamonds, small in population, with no defence to talk about and its top leadership had long-lasting relationships with the English throne and the American military. Sir Seretse Khama the founding president had married into the British royal family and their son, Brigadier General Ian Khama (an eligible bachelor for a long period) was a US trained military commando (West Point and Fort Bragg) who had done some refinement courses at Sandhurst Military Academy in the United Kingdom. Ian Khama, who had been “asked” to step down from the post of Defence Commander in order to be appointed deputy president, had done so. In the process he had amassed more power than his own head of state since he was also paramount chief of the bamangwato, Botswana’s largest ethnic group.
Unlike the heads of government of the SADC’s prominent nations, South Africa, Zimbabwe, Namibia and Mozambique who were sympathetic to socialism by virtue of the military support they had obtained from socialist nations, Botswana’s leaders had seen two of their contemporaries knighted by the queen and two (Ian Khama and Mopeti Merafhe) had received military training from the most senior western nations. After the largest joint military exercises ever seen in Southern African lands had been carried out between Botswana and the USA in January 1992, in an operation code named “Operation Silver Eagle”, the construction of the military base in Botswana accelerated. It was called “Project Eagle”. The eagle, spread-eagled and holding a tuft of arrows (symbol of aggression and war) in one set of talons, also holds a sheaf of olive leaves (symbol of peace) in the other, is the national emblem of the USA government. That the new base in Botswana is American (or NATO Alliance)-owned is undeniable. In 1998, when Susan Rice was Assistant Secretary of State (African Affairs) in Bill Clinton’s government, I was invited by the Public Affairs section of the US Embassy in Harare to be one of the panellists quizzing her on US policies on Africa.
I asked her why the USA, which professed to promote peace in the region was actively involved in the construction of a military base called “Project Eagle” in Botswana at a time when the region was experiencing peace. She seemed quite startled by the question and feigned ignorance of the gist of my inquiry. There was a temporary off the camera consultation, after which I was asked to “rephrase” my question. I did, in the English sense of the word. Same question, different words, which is not what my American hosts had meant, I know. The response was, “We are not aware of the project you’re referring to.” I felt as if I was Ian Smith asking Robert Mugabe whether he knew of certain forces called ZANLA. I could almost hear him answer, “I have no idea what you’re talking about. We are a non-violent movement.” All politicians deny any information that has the potential of incriminating them or the institutions they represent. America is no exception.
According to the Scientia Militaria Journal, volume 29 of 1999, page 3, the American and French-funded military base project has three sites in Botswana (Funds to the tune of 1 billion pula came through France). The first site is 35 km from Molepole town, 75 km north west of the capital Gaberone. The second site is at Chobe, near the border with Zambia and Zimbabwe in the far north. The third is in the Okavango Delta and the Caprivi Strip (Doesn’t the Caprivi belong to us all?) in the northwest. The French company Spie-Batignolles carried out the construction of the base, subcontracted by a South African company LTA, which is a subsidiary of the great Anglo-American Corporation! If it weren’t for the burdensome length of the name “MOPETIMERAFHE” (Another Botswana Defence Force ex-commander) it would have been chosen as the name of the base. Another reason for the new military behemoth was the establishment of an intelligence watchtower for the USA. The Voice of America which is the propaganda station of the US government (state-controlled media!?) already has a spanking new relay station at Selebi Pikwe in Botswana.
Also, concerns have been raised by the Israeli lobby in the US and South Africa, about SA’s “growing friendship with some of America and Israel’s traditional ‘enemies’.” The concern was strengthened when it was reported that South Africa’s Ministers of Justice, Dullah Omar, and Constitutional Affairs, Valli Moosa, met the Hamas spiritual leader, Sheik Ahmed Yassin, while on an official visit to Saudi Arabia” (Militaria Scientia). Some SADC countries are beginning to show signs of jitteriness at Botswana’s big-brother project. Zimbabwe, under arms embargo from western nations led by UK, is biting her nails down to the elbow due to its incapacity to respond to the challenge from the west side of its border. So they think. If any invasion were to be carried out by UK and US, it would be from the base aforementioned. The idea is to keep Zimbabwe in a state of disability while arming its tiny neighbour (whose standing army is 10 000). Vanoda kutiita chikuku-vatavata. (They wish to lull us to sleep and then strike.) Someone in the Zimbabwean Ministry of defence stated in June 1996 that Zimbabwe does not feel threatened by Botswana’s arms purchases. (Ndiani iyeye? Unoda kurumwa gurokuro!) So Botswana has gone on to purchase F5 fighter jets, advanced main battle tanks and some advanced bombers. Gone are the days when Batswana leaders used to cry waterfalls whenever an enemy drove cheekily through their territory.
When US President Bill Clinton came to Africa, he shunned Zimbabwe and chose instead to go to Botswana (where he visited the Okavango basin and Chobe!). His whole entourage used cellular telephones and lines belonging to Strive Masiyiwa’s Botswana based company, Mascom. In my 26 September 2002 Tribune article entitled, “Is Zimbabwe a province of South Africa?” I pointed out the foibles of Moeletsi Mbeki, the brother of the South African President Thabo Mbeki. Vainglorious and condescending in his criticism of Zimbabwe, Moeletsi sings praises of the might of apartheid SA’s army exploits under Jan Smuts. His CIA-funded institution continues to churn out drivel that is so sycophantic to the objectives of the UK and USA. He even credits the US with the capture of the US-funded Unita’s Jonas Savimbi. That Moeletsi Mbeki, Strive Masiyiwa, Yoweri Museveni and Aziz Pahad have met Linda Chalker (UK) on the Oppenheimmer’s Game Ranch (Sunday Mirror, 11 May 2003) is surprising in its predictability. Strangely, the group has closer ties with the US than with UK. Mbeki receives funds from you-know-who.
Museveni’s troops are trained by the US in Uganda and the man is itching for revenge against Zimbabwe for the bloody nose that his 300 commandos received from Zimbabwe’s crack troops at Ndjili Airport on the outskirts of Kinshasa during the predawn raid on 02 August 1998. President Yoweri Museveni’s teacher, a respected senior Zimbabwean politician, must be wondering what has happened to his former student. Masiyiwa has been Vice Chairman of the CIA-funded Southern African Development Fund (SADF), which is chaired by former US Senator Andrew Young. Econet has never won a contract in a country that the US has no military contract or base: Bots, Swaziland and Nigeria (US currently trains and arms the Nigerian navy and army). How did the base in Botswana get manned? When floods hit Mozambique in 1997, several nations, including the USA, sent missions of mercy to the strife-torn country. Civil rescue teams from European and African countries arrived to fish out our stranded neighbours from crocodile-infested yellow waters in the flood plains. But the US did not send a “civil” rescue team.
They sent in 290 troops for the rescue operations. Of course no one raised a hair because South Africa and Zimbabwe had sent in army and air force helicopter teams. However, when the floods crisis was over, the US flew the 290 military marines over South African airspace, without South African military permission along the Limpopo River basin all the way to the new air base in Botswana. The eagle had landed. As a writer and journalist, I sometimes wonder why the eagle is the emblem of so many countries that have brought the world to the brinks of disaster. Think of Germany, US and Iraq. Will the Zimbabwean eagle be the last straw that breaks the camel’s back? Will Botswana and Namibia lock horns soon over their border dispute? Will the US’s B52’s leave Zimbabwe alone till we “be” 52? (We “be” only 23!) Until that time comes, you are free to choose which song to sing while you await your fate, “Nearer my God to Thee” or “We shall overcome”.
* Magara writes in his personal capacity and comments can be sent to [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Mitayo Potosi
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