-------------------------
Via Workers World News Service
Reprinted from the Dec. 20, 2001
issue of Workers World newspaper
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WHAT THEY WON'T LET US SEE: THOUSANDS KILLED BY 
U.S. BOMBERS

By Deirdre Griswold

The planned and deliberate brutality of the Pentagon war in 
Afghanistan is a closely guarded secret.

People in the United States are being told practically 
nothing about the war's effects on the Afghan people. What 
images are we allowed to see on television? Explosions that 
produce nothing but clouds of dust. Fuzzy objects in the 
crosshairs of bombers that are always identified as 
"military targets." Grateful refugees receiving generous 
handouts from the West. And the smooth-talking boys of the 
Pentagon who make it all sound like a heroic game that will 
end when the "evil enemy" has been taken.

But the truth is there have been massive civilian 
casualties.

The military no longer produce a "body count" at the end of 
each day as they did during the Vietnam War. However, as of 
Dec. 10, more than 3,500 civilians had died in the U.S. 
bombing, according to Prof. Marc W. Herold of the University 
of New Hampshire.

Herold has been keeping tabs on casualty reports since the 
bombs began falling on Oct. 7. He has done a meticulous job 
of tabulating, day by day and place by place, all the 
reports of civilian casualties to be found in the world 
press.

Herold released the results of his study on Dec. 10 in a 
discussion with Amy Goodman, producer of Democracy Now! An 
Excel spreadsheet containing the information can be found at 
http://pubpages.unh.edu/~mwherold/.

"I was concerned that there would be significant civilian 
casualties caused by the bombing, and I was able to find 
some mention of casualties in the foreign press but almost 
nothing in the U.S. press," he said.

"These were poor people to begin with," he added. "And, on 
top of that, they had absolutely nothing to do with the 
events of September 11."

Herold lists the date, number of casualties, location, type 
of weapon used and sources of information for each incident. 
Here is one such listing for Oct. 11: "Two U.S. jets bombed 
the mountain village of Karam, comprised of 60 mud houses, 
during dinner and evening prayer time, killing 100-160 
people. Sources: DAWN (English-language Pakistani daily 
newspaper), the Guardian of London, the Independent, 
International Herald Tribune, the Scotsman, the Observer and 
the BBC News."

That was at the beginning of the bombing campaign, when the 
Taliban were still believed to be strong. But what happened 
after they began to flee south and eventually abandoned 
Kabul?

BOMBING OF BIBI MAHRU

The bombing continued unabated. In an article entitled "U.S. 
Planes Rain Death on the Innocent," Rory McCarthy wrote in 
the Guardian of Dec. 1 that the village of Bibi Mahru near 
Kabul had been hit several times by U.S. bombers, even 
though they destroyed the only military target in the area, 
a radar and anti-aircraft position on a hill above the town, 
on the first night.

McCarthy saw the damage caused by bombs dropped 10 days 
after the radar position had been destroyed. "The deep 
craters and pieces of shrapnel indicate that America's 
weapon of choice in Kabul was the Mark 82 500-lb. bomb, 
which is designed to be guided to its target by the pilot, a 
nearby observation plane or a spotter on the ground. But 
there was nothing accurate about the 500-lb. bomb which fell 
on Bibi Mahru. It killed Gul Ahmad, 40, a Hazara carpet 
weaver, his second wife Sima, 35, their five daughters and 
his son by his first wife. Two children living next door 
were also killed. ... 'My husband was thinking before this 
incident that the Americans would bring peace in our 
country,' said Arafa, who lost eight members of her family. 
'Now I am left with my five daughters and two sons and no 
one to look after them.'"

McCarthy also visited a neighborhood in Kabul of workers' 
apartment buildings built by the Soviet Union during the 
period of the Afghan Revolution, which was overthrown in a 
war financed by the U.S. CIA. On Nov. 12, wrote McCarthy, 
the last day the Taliban spent in Kabul, "American planes 
targeted a military garrison close to the densely populated 
Soviet-built Microrayon housing district. Four 50-lb. bombs 
hit the area. Only one hit the garrison.

"One landed at the corner of apartment block 33, where a 
crowd of children were playing. Nazila, six, was crushed to 
death by a concrete block. 'She couldn't run away in time,' 
said her father, Abdul Basir. 'We believed because this was 
a residential block they wouldn't hit it. We thought they 
were hitting their targets accurately.' A second landed in 
the road, a third landed on two houses, killing five people, 
including a 15-year-old girl."

The Pentagon keeps denying civilian casualties in its press 
briefings. The corporate media here--the newspaper and 
television bosses who control what gets aired--accept 
whatever the military says. They kill any reports on 
civilian casualties that come their way.

But reporters from other countries are sending back vivid 
accounts of the death and destruction.

WHEN 'NOTHING HAPPENED' AT KAMA ADO

The most direct rebuttal to the Pentagon line came from 
Richard Lloyd Parry, who went to the village of Kama Ado in 
eastern Afghanistan near the mountainous Tora Bora area 
shortly after U.S. B-52s bombed the area.

In a scathing, ironic piece in the Independent of London on 
Dec. 4 called "A Village Is Destroyed and America Says 
Nothing Happened," Parry described the devastation:

"[T]he village of Kama Ado has ceased to exist. Many of the 
homes here are just deep conical craters in the earth. The 
rest are cracked open, split like crushed cardboard boxes."

Parry said that 115 villagers were killed in the bombing. 
But "nothing happened."

"We know this," wrote Parry, "because the U.S. Department of 
Defense told us so. That evening, a Pentagon spokesman, 
questioned about reports of civilian casualties in eastern 
Afghanistan, explained that they were not true, because the 
U.S. is meticulous in selecting only military targets 
associated with Osama bin Laden's al-Qa'ida network. 
Subsequent Pentagon utterances on the subject have wobbled 
somewhat, but there has been no retraction of that initial 
decisive statement: 'It just didn't happen.'"

Parry says that all along the road to Kama Ado he was 
"confronted with the wreckage and innocent victims of high-
altitude, hi-tech, thousand-pound nothings." The only fear 
he felt while visiting the village was on seeing U.S. planes 
fly over. He was afraid that "nothing" might happen to him, 
too.

Barry Stoller also wrote about Kama Ado. His account, "U.S. 
Bombs Wipe Out Farming Village," appeared in a Dec. 3 
Associated Press dispatch that was largely ignored by 
newspapers here. "Children's shoes, bits of charred carpet 
and cooking pots litter what is left of this hamlet, along 
with dead cows and sheep," he wrote. "Here and there are 
craters, some 20 feet wide. One holds the tail fin from a 
Mk83 1,000-pound bomb. ...

"Witnesses and survivors say U.S. warplanes dropped more 
than 25 bombs in four passes over the village on Saturday," 
Dec. 2.

By Dec. 10, the Independent, another London newspaper, wrote 
that U.S. bombers were extending "their onslaught on the 
mountains in Tora Bora, south-east of Jalalabad, where the 
Saudi-born fugitive [Osama bin-Laden] may be making his last 
stand. Witnesses said heavy bombing raids were being 
launched every 30 minutes." This would make it the most 
intensive bombing campaign yet and should boost Professor 
Herold's casualty figures even further.

ACCIDENTAL OR DELIBERATE?

It is assumed in the press accounts that these attacks on 
civilians are due to error. Of course, accidents do happen. 
The pilots have even bombed a few U.S. Special Forces and 
Northern Alliance troops. But the broad scope of civilian 
casualties catalogued by Professor Herold speaks to 
something other than just a few accidents.

"Officials say the Marines are trained to distinguish 
'friend from foe' but Afghan truck and bus drivers complain 
that their vehicles have been hit from the air on the road 
from Herat to Kandahar and Kandahar to Kabul," said the Dec. 
10 Independent article.

Villages, cars, apartment blocks, all hit and hit again. 
Isn't it reasonable to assume that civilians are the 
targets, and that the pilots know it? If so, it wouldn't be 
the first time that U.S. pilots have been part of a 
conspiracy to keep the public from knowing what was really 
going on in a war.

When the U.S. started the secret bombing of Cambodia in 
March 1969, phony flight plans were filed to conceal the 
pilots' true destination. (See "Sideshow: Kissinger, Nixon 
and the Destruction of Cambodia," by William Shawcross, 
Simon & Schuster, 1979.)

And, of course, there was the brutal bombing of civilians 
just two years ago in Yugoslavia.

Everything about this war in Afghanistan reeks of Pentagon 
disinformation and the conning of the public. Its very 
premise is a lie.

Collapsing the government of Afghanistan, reducing its 
cities and villages to rubble, and turning 7.5 million 
people into freezing, starving refugees is not going to 
protect people in the United States from terrorist acts. 
That is absurd. It can only inflame the anger at U.S. world 
domination that is already white-hot.

During the Vietnam War, U.S. troops began to realize that 
those who cared the most about their welfare were the 
demonstrators demanding that they be brought home. This 
simple truth must be relearned. The anti-war movement is 
determined to save both U.S. and Afghan lives.

It's the Pentagon, the Bush administration and the corporate 
billionaires behind them who are risking U.S. civilians at 
home and military personnel abroad in a "great game" to 
control the riches of Central Asia.

- END -

(Copyright Workers World Service: Everyone is permitted to 
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