I found the following article very interesting. And very long.
Originally from Science magazine.

Science 2001 Mar 30;291(5513):2536-45
NUTRITION: The Soft Science of Dietary Fat

Gary Taubes

Mainstream nutritional science has demonized dietary fat, yet 50 years
and hundreds of millions of dollars of research have failed to prove
that eating a low-fat diet will help you live longer.

When the U.S. Surgeon General's Office set off in 1988 to write the
definitive report on the dangers of dietary fat, the scientific task
appeared straightforward. Four years earlier, the National Institutes of
Health (NIH) had begun advising every American old enough to walk to
restrict fat intake, and the president of the American Heart Association
(AHA) had told Time magazine that if everyone went along, "we will have
[atherosclerosis] conquered" by the year 2000. The Surgeon General's
Office itself had just published its 700-page landmark "Report on
Nutrition and Health," declaring fat the single most unwholesome
component of the American diet.

All of this was apparently based on sound science. So the task before
the project officer was merely to gather that science together in one
volume, have it reviewed by a committee of experts, which had been
promptly established, and publish it. The project did not go smoothly,
however. Four project officers came and went over the next decade. "It
consumed project officers," says Marion Nestle, who helped launch the
project and now runs the nutrition and food studies department at New
York University (NYU). Members of the oversight committee saw drafts of
an early chapter or two, criticized them vigorously, and then saw little
else.

Finally, in June 1999, 11 years after the project began, the Surgeon
General's Office circulated a letter, authored by the last of the
project officers, explaining that the report would be killed. There was
no other public announcement and no press release. The letter explained
that the relevant administrators "did not anticipate fully the magnitude
of the additional external expertise and staff resources that would be
needed." In other words, says Nestle, the subject matter "was too
complicated." Bill Harlan, a member of the oversight committee and
associate director of the Office of Disease Prevention at NIH, says "the
report was initiated with a preconceived opinion of the conclusions,"
but the science behind those opinions was not holding up. "Clearly the
thoughts of yesterday were not going to serve us very well."

During the past 30 years, the concept of eating healthy in America has
become synonymous with avoiding dietary fat. The creation and marketing
of reduced-fat food products has become big business; over 15,000 have
appeared on supermarket shelves. Indeed, an entire research industry has
arisen to create palatable nonfat fat substitutes, and the food industry
now spends billions of dollars yearly selling the
less-fat-is-good-health message. The government weighs in as well, with
the U.S. Department of Agriculture's (USDA's) booklet on dietary
guidelines, published every 5 years, and its ubiquitous Food Guide
Pyramid, which recommends that fats and oils be eaten "sparingly." The
low-fat gospel spreads farther by a kind of societal osmosis,
continuously reinforced by physicians, nutritionists, journalists,
health organizations, and consumer advocacy groups such as the Center
for Science in the Public Interest, which refers to fat as this "greasy
killer." "In America, we no longer fear God or the communists, but we
fear fat," says David Kritchevsky of the Wistar Institute in
Philadelphia, who in 1958 wrote the first textbook on cholesterol.

As the Surgeon General's Office discovered, however, the science of
dietary fat is not nearly as simple as it once appeared. The
proposition, now 50 years old, that dietary fat is a bane to health is
based chiefly on the fact that fat, specifically the hard, saturated fat
found primarily in meat and dairy products, elevates blood cholesterol
levels. This in turn raises the likelihood that cholesterol will clog
arteries, a condition known as atherosclerosis, which then increases
risk of coronary artery disease, heart attack, and untimely death. By
the 1970s, each individual step of this chain from fat to cholesterol to
heart disease had been demonstrated beyond reasonable doubt, but the
veracity of the chain as a whole has never been proven. In other words,
despite decades of research, it is still a debatable proposition whether
the consumption of saturated fats above recommended levels (step one in
the chain) by anyone who's not already at high risk of heart disease
will increase the likelihood of untimely death (outcome three). Nor have
hundreds of millions of dollars in trials managed to generate compelling
evidence that healthy individuals can extend their lives by more than a
few weeks, if that, by eating less fat (see sidebar on p. 2538
</cgi/content/short/291/5513/2538>). To put it simply, the data remain
ambiguous as to whether low-fat diets will benefit healthy Americans.
Worse, the ubiquitous admonishments to reduce total fat intake have
encouraged a shift to high-carbohydrate diets, which may be no
better--and may even be worse--than high-fat diets.

Since the early 1970s, for instance, Americans' average fat intake has
dropped from over 40% of total calories to 34%; average serum
cholesterol levels have dropped as well. But no compelling evidence
suggests that these decreases have improved health. Although heart
disease death rates have dropped--and public health officials insist
low-fat diets are partly responsible--the incidence of heart disease
does not seem to be declining, as would be expected if lower fat diets
made a difference. This was the conclusion, for instance, of a 10-year
study of heart disease mortality published in The New England Journal of
Medicine in 1998, which suggested that death rates are declining largely
because doctors are treating the disease more successfully. AHA
statistics agree: Between 1979 and 1996, the number of medical
procedures for heart disease increased from 1.2 million to 5.4 million a
year. "I don't consider that this disease category has disappeared or
anything close to it," says one AHA statistician.

Meanwhile, obesity in America, which remained constant from the early
1960s through 1980, has surged upward since then--from 14% of the
population to over 22%. Diabetes has increased apace. Both obesity and
diabetes increase heart disease risk, which could explain why heart
disease incidence is not decreasing. That this obesity epidemic occurred
just as the government began bombarding Americans with the low-fat
message suggests the possibility, however distant, that low-fat diets
might have unintended consequences--among them, weight gain. "Most of us
would have predicted that if we can get the population to change its fat
intake, with its dense calories, we would see a reduction in weight,"
admits Harlan. "Instead, we see the exact opposite."

In the face of this uncertainty, skeptics and apostates have come along
repeatedly, only to see their work almost religiously ignored as the
mainstream medical community sought consensus on the evils of dietary
fat. For 20 years, for instance, the Harvard School of Public Health has
run the Nurses' Health Study and its two sequelae--the Health
Professionals Follow-Up Study and the Nurses' Health Study
II--accumulating over a decade of data on the diet and health of almost
300,000 Americans. The results suggest that total fat consumed has no
relation to heart disease risk; that monounsaturated fats like olive oil
lower risk; and that saturated fats are little worse, if at all, than
the pasta and other carbohydrates that the Food Guide Pyramid suggests
be eaten copiously. (The studies also suggest that trans fatty acids are
unhealthful. These are the fats in margarine, for instance, and are what
many Americans started eating when they were told that the saturated
fats in butter might kill them.) Harvard epidemiologist Walter Willett,
spokesperson for the Nurses' Health Study, points out that NIH has spent
over $100 million on the three studies and yet not one government agency
has changed its primary guidelines to fit these particular data.
"Scandalous," says Willett. "They say, 'You really need a high level of
proof to change the recommendations,' which is ironic, because they
never had a high level of proof to set them."

Indeed, the history of the national conviction that dietary fat is
deadly, and its evolution from hypothesis to dogma, is one in which
politicians, bureaucrats, the media, and the public have played as large
a role as the scientists and the science. It's a story of what can
happen when the demands of public health policy--and the demands of the
public for simple advice--run up against the confusing ambiguity of real
science.

Fear of fat
During the first half of the 20th century, nutritionists were more
concerned about malnutrition than about the sins of dietary excess.
After World War II, however, a coronary heart disease epidemic seemed to
sweep the country (see sidebar on p. 2540
</cgi/content/short/291/5513/2540>). "Middle-aged men, seemingly
healthy, were dropping dead," wrote biochemist Ancel Keys of the
University of Minnesota, Twin Cities, who was among the first to suggest
that dietary fats might be the cause. By 1952, Keys was arguing that
Americans should reduce their fat intake to less than 30% of total
calories, although he simultaneously recognized that "direct evidence on
the effect of the diet on human arteriosclerosis is very little and
likely to remain so for some time." In the famous and very controversial
Seven Countries Study, for instance, Keys and his colleagues reported
that the amount of fat consumed seemed to be the salient difference
between populations such as those in Japan and Crete that had little
heart disease and those, as in Finland, that were plagued by it. In
1961, the Framingham Heart Study linked cholesterol levels to heart
disease, Keys made the cover of Time magazine, and the AHA, under his
influence, began advocating low-fat diets as a palliative for men with
high cholesterol levels. Keys had also become one of the first Americans
to consciously adopt a heart-healthy diet: He and his wife, Time
reported, "do not eat 'carving meat'--steaks, chops, roasts--more than
three times a week."

Nonetheless, by 1969 the state of the science could still be summarized
by a single sentence from a report of the Diet-Heart Review Panel of the
National Heart Institute (now the National Heart, Lung, and Blood
Institute, or NHLBI): "It is not known whether dietary manipulation has
any effect whatsoever on coronary heart disease." The chair of the panel
was E. H. "Pete" Ahrens, whose laboratory at Rockefeller University in
New York City did much of the seminal research on fat and cholesterol
metabolism.

Whereas proponents of low-fat diets were concerned primarily about the
effects of dietary fat on cholesterol levels and heart disease, Ahrens
and his panel--10 experts in clinical medicine, epidemiology,
biostatistics, human nutrition, and metabolism--were equally concerned
that eating less fat could have profound effects throughout the body,
many of which could be harmful. The brain, for instance, is 70% fat,
which chiefly serves to insulate neurons. Fat is also the primary
component of cell membranes. Changing the proportion of saturated to
unsaturated fats in the diet changes the fat composition in these
membranes. This could conceivably change the membrane permeability,
which controls the transport of everything from glucose, signaling
proteins, and hormones to bacteria, viruses, and tumor-causing agents
into and out of the cell. The relative saturation of fats in the diet
could also influence cellular aging as well as the clotting ability of
blood cells.

Whether the potential benefits of low-fat diets would exceed the
potential risks could be settled by testing whether low-fat diets
actually prolong life, but such a test would have to be enormous. The
effect of diet on cholesterol levels is subtle for most
individuals--especially those living in the real world rather than the
metabolic wards of nutrition researchers--and the effect of cholesterol
levels on heart disease is also subtle. As a result, tens of thousands
of individuals would have to switch to low-fat diets and their
subsequent health compared to that of equal numbers who continued eating
fat to alleged excess. And all these people would have to be followed
for years until enough deaths accumulated to provide statistically
significant results. Ahrens and his colleagues were pessimistic about
whether such a massive and expensive trial could ever be done. In 1971,
an NIH task force estimated such a trial would cost $1 billion,
considerably more than NIH was willing to spend. Instead, NIH
administrators opted for a handful of smaller studies, two of which
alone would cost $255 million. Perhaps more important, these studies
would take a decade. Neither the public, the press, nor the U.S.
Congress was willing to wait that long.

Science by committee
Like the flourishing American affinity for alternative medicine, an
antifat movement evolved independently of science in the 1960s. It was
fed by distrust of the establishment--in this case, both the medical
establishment and the food industry--and by counterculture attacks on
excessive consumption, whether manifested in gas-guzzling cars or the
classic American cuisine of bacon and eggs and marbled steaks. And while
the data on fat and health remained ambiguous and the scientific
community polarized, the deadlock was broken not by any new science, but
by politicians. It was Senator George McGovern's bipartisan,
nonlegislative Select Committee on Nutrition and Human Needs--and, to be
precise, a handful of McGovern's staff members--that almost
single-handedly changed nutritional policy in this country and initiated
the process of turning the dietary fat hypothesis into dogma.

McGovern's committee was founded in 1968 with a mandate to eradicate
malnutrition in America, and it instituted a series of landmark federal
food assistance programs. As the malnutrition work began to peter out in
the mid-1970s, however, the committee didn't disband. Rather, its
general counsel, Marshall Matz, and staff director, Alan Stone, both
young lawyers, decided that the committee would address "overnutrition,"
the dietary excesses of Americans. It was a "casual endeavor," says
Matz. "We really were totally naпve, a bunch of kids, who just thought,
'Hell, we should say something on this subject before we go out of
business.' " McGovern and his fellow senators--all middle-aged men
worried about their girth and their health--signed on; McGovern and his
wife had both gone through diet-guru Nathan Pritikin's very low fat diet
and exercise program. McGovern quit the program early, but Pritikin
remained a major influence on his thinking.

McGovern's committee listened to 2 days of testimony on diet and disease
in July 1976. Then resident wordsmith Nick Mottern, a former labor
reporter for The Providence Journal, was assigned the task of
researching and writing the first "Dietary Goals for the United States."
Mottern, who had no scientific background and no experience writing
about science, nutrition, or health, believed his Dietary Goals would
launch a "revolution in diet and agriculture in this country." He
avoided the scientific and medical controversy by relying almost
exclusively on Harvard School of Public Health nutritionist Mark Hegsted
for input on dietary fat. Hegsted had studied fat and cholesterol
metabolism in the early 1960s, and he believed unconditionally in the
benefits of restricting fat intake, although he says he was aware that
his was an extreme opinion. With Hegsted as his muse, Mottern saw
dietary fat as the nutritional equivalent of cigarettes, and the food
industry as akin to the tobacco industry in its willingness to suppress
scientific truth in the interests of profits. To Mottern, those
scientists who spoke out against fat were those willing to take on the
industry. "It took a certain amount of guts," he says, "to speak about
this because of the financial interests involved."

Mottern's report suggested that Americans cut their total fat intake to
30% of the calories they consume and saturated fat intake to 10%, in
accord with AHA recommendations for men at high risk of heart disease.
The report acknowledged the existence of controversy but insisted
Americans had nothing to lose by following its advice. "The question to
be asked is not why should we change our diet but why not?" wrote
Hegsted in the introduction. "There are [no risks] that can be
identified and important benefits can be expected." This was an
optimistic but still debatable position, and when Dietary Goals was
released in January 1977, "all hell broke loose," recalls Hegsted.
"Practically nobody was in favor of the McGovern recommendations. Damn
few people."

McGovern responded with three follow-up hearings, which aptly
foreshadowed the next 7 years of controversy. Among those testifying,
for instance, was NHLBI director Robert Levy, who explained that no one
knew if eating less fat or lowering blood cholesterol levels would
prevent heart attacks, which was why NHLBI was spending $300 million to
study the question. Levy's position was awkward, he recalls, because
"the good senators came out with the guidelines and then called us in to
get advice." He was joined by prominent scientists, including Ahrens,
who testified that advising Americans to eat less fat on the strength of
such marginal evidence was equivalent to conducting a nutritional
experiment with the American public as subjects. Even the American
Medical Association protested, suggesting that the diet proposed by the
guidelines raised the "potential for harmful effects." But as these
scientists testified, so did representatives from the dairy, egg, and
cattle industries, who also vigorously opposed the guidelines for
obvious reasons. This juxtaposition served to taint the scientific
criticisms: Any scientists arguing against the committee's guidelines
appeared to be either hopelessly behind the paradigm, which was
Hegsted's view, or industry apologists, which was Mottern's, if not
both.

Although the committee published a revised edition of the Dietary Goals
later in the year, the thrust of the recommendations remained unchanged.
It did give in to industry pressure by softening the suggestion that
Americans eat less meat. Mottern says he considered even that a
"disservice to the public," refused to do the revisions, and quit the
committee. (Mottern became a vegetarian while writing the Dietary Goals
and now runs a food co-op in Peekskill, New York.)

The guidelines might have then died a quiet death when McGovern's
committee came to an end in late 1977 if two federal agencies had not
felt it imperative to respond. Although they took contradictory points
of view, one message--with media assistance--won out.

The first was the USDA, where consumer-activist Carol Tucker Foreman had
recently been appointed an assistant secretary. Foreman believed it was
incumbent on USDA to turn McGovern's recommendations into official
policy, and, like Mottern, she was not deterred by the existence of
scientific controversy. "Tell us what you know and tell us it's not the
final answer," she would tell scientists. "I have to eat and feed my
children three times a day, and I want you to tell me what your best
sense of the data is right now."

Of course, given the controversy, the "best sense of the data" would
depend on which scientists were asked. The Food and Nutrition Board of
the National Academy of Sciences (NAS), which decides the Recommended
Dietary Allowances, would have been a natural choice, but NAS president
Philip Handler, an expert on metabolism, had told Foreman that Mottern's
Dietary Goals were "nonsense." Foreman then turned to McGovern's
staffers for advice and they recommended she hire Hegsted, which she
did. Hegsted, in turn, relied on a state-of-the-science report published
by an expert but very divergent committee of the American Society for
Clinical Nutrition. "They were nowhere near unanimous on anything," says
Hegsted, "but the majority supported something like the McGovern
committee report."

The resulting document became the first edition of "Using the Dietary
Guidelines for Americans." Although it acknowledged the existence of
controversy and suggested that a single dietary recommendation might not
suit an entire diverse population, the advice to avoid fat and saturated
fat was, indeed, virtually identical to McGovern's Dietary Goals.

Three months later, the NAS Food and Nutrition Board released its own
guidelines: "Toward Healthful Diets." The board, consisting of a dozen
nutrition experts, concluded that the only reliable advice for healthy
Americans was to watch their weight; everything else, dietary fat
included, would take care of itself. The advice was not taken kindly,
however, at least not by the media. The first reports--"rather
incredulously," said Handler at the time--criticized the NAS advice for
conflicting with the USDA's and McGovern's and thus somehow being
irresponsible. Follow-up reports suggested that the board members, in
the words of Jane Brody, who covered the story for The New York Times,
were "all in the pocket of the industries being hurt." To be precise,
the board chair and one of its members consulted for food industries,
and funding for the board itself came from industry donations. These
industry connections were leaked to the press from the USDA.

Hegsted now defends the NAS board, although he didn't at the time, and
calls this kind of conflict of interest "a hell of an issue." "Everybody
used to complain that industry didn't do anything on nutrition," he told
Science, "yet anybody who got involved was blackballed because their
positions were presumably influenced by the industry." (In 1981, Hegsted
returned to Harvard, where his research was funded by Frito-Lay.) The
press had mixed feelings, claiming that the connections "soiled" the
academy's reputation "for tendering careful scientific advice" (The
Washington Post), demonstrated that the board's "objectivity and
aptitude are in doubt" (The New York Times), or represented in the
board's guidelines a "blow against the food faddists who hold the public
in thrall" (Science). In any case, the NAS board had been publicly
discredited. Hegsted's Dietary Guidelines for Americans became the
official U.S. policy on dietary fat: Eat less fat. Live longer.

Creating "consensus"
Once politicians, the press, and the public had decided dietary fat
policy, the science was left to catch up. In the early 1970s, when NIH
opted to forgo a $1 billion trial that might be definitive and instead
fund a half-dozen studies at one-third the cost, everyone hoped these
smaller trials would be sufficiently persuasive to conclude that low-fat
diets prolong lives. The results were published between 1980 and 1984.
Four of these trials --comparing heart disease rates and diet within
Honolulu, Puerto Rico, Chicago, and Framingham--showed no evidence that
men who ate less fat lived longer or had fewer heart attacks. A fifth
trial, the Multiple Risk Factor Intervention Trial (MRFIT), cost $115
million and tried to amplify the subtle influences of diet on health by
persuading subjects to avoid fat while simultaneously quitting smoking
and taking medication for high blood pressure. That trial suggested, if
anything, that eating less fat might shorten life. In each study,
however, the investigators concluded that methodological flaws had led
to the negative results. They did not, at least publicly, consider their
results reason to lessen their belief in the evils of fat.

The sixth study was the $140 million Lipid Research Clinics (LRC)
Coronary Primary Prevention Trial, led by NHLBI administrator Basil
Rifkind and biochemist Daniel Steinberg of the University of California,
San Diego. The LRC trial was a drug trial, not a diet trial, but the
NHLBI heralded its outcome as the end of the dietary fat debate. In
January 1984, LRC investigators reported that a medication called
cholestyramine reduced cholesterol levels in men with abnormally high
cholesterol levels and modestly reduced heart disease rates in the
process. (The probability of suffering a heart attack during the
seven-plus years of the study was reduced from 8.6% in the placebo group
to 7.0%; the probability of dying from a heart attack dropped from 2.0%
to 1.6%.) The investigators then concluded, without benefit of dietary
data, that cholestyramine's benefits could be extended to diet as well.
And although the trial tested only middle-aged men with cholesterol
levels higher than those of 95% of the population, they concluded that
those benefits "could and should be extended to other age groups and
women and ... other more modest elevations of cholesterol levels."

Why go so far? Rifkind says their logic was simple: For 20 years, he and
his colleagues had argued that lowering cholesterol levels prevented
heart attacks. They had spent enormous sums trying to prove it. They
felt they could never actually demonstrate that low-fat diets prolonged
lives--that would be too expensive, and MRFIT had failed--but now they
had established a fundamental link in the causal chain, from lower
cholesterol levels to cardiovascular health. With that, they could take
the leap of faith from cholesterol-lowering drugs and health to
cholesterol-lowering diet and health. And after all their effort, they
were eager--not to mention urged by Congress--to render helpful advice.
"There comes a point when, if you don't make a decision, the
consequences can be great as well," says Rifkind. "If you just allow
Americans to keep on consuming 40% of calories from fat, there's an
outcome to that as well."

With the LRC results in press, the NHLBI launched what Levy called "a
massive public health campaign." The media obligingly went along. Time,
for instance, reported the LRC findings under the headline "Sorry, It's
True. Cholesterol really is a killer." The article about a drug trial
began: "No whole milk. No butter. No fatty meats ..." Time followed up 3
months later with a cover story: "And Cholesterol and Now the Bad News.
..." The cover photo was a frowning face: a breakfast plate with two
fried eggs as the eyes and a bacon strip for the mouth. Rifkind was
quoted saying that their results "strongly indicate that the more you
lower cholesterol and fat in your diet, the more you reduce your risk of
heart disease," a statement that still lacked direct scientific support.

The following December, NIH effectively ended the debate with a
"Consensus Conference." The idea of such a conference is that an expert
panel, ideally unbiased, listens to 2 days of testimony and arrives at a
conclusion with which everyone agrees. In this case, Rifkind chaired the
planning committee, which chose his LRC co-investigator Steinberg to
lead the expert panel. The 20 speakers did include a handful of skeptics
--including Ahrens, for instance, and cardiologist Michael Oliver of
Imperial College in London--who argued that it was unscientific to
equate the effects of a drug with the effects of a diet. Steinberg's
panel members, however, as Oliver later complained in The Lancet, "were
selected to include only experts who would, predictably, say that all
levels of blood cholesterol in the United States are too high and should
be lowered. And, of course, this is exactly what was said." Indeed, the
conference report, written by Steinberg and his panel, revealed no
evidence of discord. There was "no doubt," it concluded, that low-fat
diets "will afford significant protection against coronary heart
disease" to every American over 2 years old. The Consensus Conference
officially gave the appearance of unanimity where none existed. After
all, if there had been a true consensus, as Steinberg himself told
Science, "you wouldn't have had to have a consensus conference."

Part 2 follows...

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