STOP NATO: ¡NO PASARAN! - HTTP://WWW.STOPNATO.ORG.UK --------------------------- ListBot Sponsor -------------------------- Sopranos fanatics, this one is for you. Tony Soprano's autographed Suburban is available for purchase on eBayTM. James Gandolfini has personally signed the vehicle. Find this and over 800 other Sopranos items for sale on eBay. http://www.bcentral.com/listbot/ebay ---------------------------------------------------------------------- [Not long ago Qaddafi warned that Islam was being used by the West to weaken its ennemy's and warned Muslims against such foolish endeavors. Seems like IWPR is worried that its own young "activists" in Russia aren't having so much luck...] In a message dated 17/07/01 11:49:05 Eastern Daylight Time, [EMAIL PROTECTED] writes: << ISLAM'S TARNISHED IMAGE The revival of moderate Islam in North Ossetia has been set back by fear and propaganda By Valeri Dzutsev in Vladikavkaz "You Muslims are hypocrites - the Koran permits you to behead hostages but prohibits drinking," shouted a young man at a recent Islamic meeting in Vladikavkaz, North Ossetia - an obvious reference to the notorious television shot of a Russian hostage being executed by a Chechen rebel. The criticism was hurled at a young Muslim activist, Taimuraz Rubaev, who was extolling the Koranic prohibition on alcohol. Rubaev replied, "Islam has nothing to do with the Chechen war - that's all about money laundering." Nevertheless, many people in the region, including some Muslims, have been swayed by the torrent of anti-Chechen propaganda pumped out by Russian television and started to believe that terrorism and senseless brutality are attributes of Islam. "I won't call myself a Muslim anymore after what I've seen on TV," is a typical comment. The fact that Chechnya was one of the biggest sources of instability in the region and that Chechens identified so firmly with Islam in their struggle against the Russians meant that it acquired bad associations among people in the Caucasus. In this atmosphere of suspicion and distrust, Muslims are upset that what they see as the accomplishments of Islam in the Caucasus are being hidden from public view. They quote statistics showing that crime last year in predominantly Muslim Azerbaijan was twice as low as in Christian Georgia and Armenia. They also stress Islamic promotion of family values, peaceful co-existence with other religions, and its opposition to drugs. At the beginning of the 1990s, Islam began to flourish again after years of Soviet suppression, during which all the mosques in North Ossetia were closed. In the immediate post-communist period, old mosques were repaired and new ones built. The revival was funded by a number of prominent Ossetians, like parliamentary chairman Taimuraz Mamsurov, a well-known philanthropist, and the Muslim head of the Russian Savings Bank. Muslim youth were allowed to study Islam abroad in Near East countries and teachers of Islam came here to preach. But there were soon setbacks. After the 1992 conflict with Ingushetia, which also has a Muslim minority, tolerance of Islam dropped dramatically. One of the main reasons was that some Muslims in North Ossetia refused to fight against their co-religionists in the neighbouring republic. The Muslim minority is now widely mistrusted inside North Ossetia. "We cannot count on fellow Ossetians who worship Allah, " said Second World War veteran Nikolai Tsoraev. "You never know when they are going to sell you out to their brothers in Ingushetia." With the spread of anti-Islamic sentiment, the Muslim community has come under pressure to be as inconspicuous as possible. The authorities, fearing that Wahhabism, an extremist Islamic movement, might take hold in the country, have sought to restrict contact between Muslim youth and Near East countries. "When I was on my way to Teheran for Islamic studies a few years ago, they tried to stop me going there," said one young Muslim. The youth loudly proclaims that Islam offers worthy ideals for young people and combats the ills of modern society. "Look around you, the old generation has vodka as their god, youth have become drug addicts and prostitutes," he said. "Islam would put an end to this." The authorities are wary of such radical sentiment - and are clearly determined to prevent it from becoming more widespread. With the state so suspicious of Muslims, moderates among them seem to have little hope of persuading the government to adopt a more tolerant approach to their community. Valeri Dzutsev is a regular IWPR contributor >> ______________________________________________________________________ To unsubscribe, write to [EMAIL PROTECTED]
WELCOME TO IWPR'S CAUCASUS REPORTING SERVICE, No. 90, July 17, 2001 RUSSIAN "IMPERIALISM" THREATENS Moscow's neighbours are angered by its moves to integrate breakaway republics into the Russian Federation. By Mikhail Vignansky in Tbilisi ARMENIA ENERGY CRISIS Armenia's energy sector survived the tough post-Soviet years but is now running out of steam. By Susanna Petrosyan in Yerevan ISLAM'S TARNISHED IMAGE The revival of moderate Islam in North Ossetia has been set back by fear and propaganda. By Valeri Dzutsev in Vladikavkaz ********** VISIT IWPR ON-LINE: www.iwpr.net ************** RUSSIAN "IMPERIALISM" THREATENS Moscow's neighbours are angered by its moves to integrate breakaway republics into the Russian Federation By Mikhail Vignansky in Tbilisi "It's political provocation," said the Georgian foreign ministry of Russia's latest move to woo the region's breakaway republics into its sphere of influence. A law passed almost unanimously by the Russian State Duma on June 28 allows unrecognised states to join the federation as republics, should the countries they wish to secede from agree. This would apply directly to the Georgian breakaway regions of Abkhazia and South Ossetia, Azerbaijan's Nagorno-Karabakh, and Trandniestr, which is seeking independence from Moldova. All have openly stated their pro-Russian stance. What unites these self-proclaimed entities is their desire to become Russian protectorates. But their motives are very different. For instance, Transdniestr, whose majority Russian population did not want to be part of Moldova after the former Soviet republic became independent, sees its future with Russia. But the leadership of Nagorno-Karabakh seems to think that Moscow will prove effective in staving off Azeri claims on the enclave. With all Duma deputies, bar one abstainee, voting in favour, the proposed legislation will now be considered by the Federation Council - and seems set to be passed there, with little modification. Azerbaijan, Georgia and Moldova have seen the move as a brazen affront. All are engaged in complex negotiations with their respective breakaway regions, in which Russia is playing a leading role. And there are suggestions that Moscow is exploiting the fact that these talks are currently deadlocked. "What Russian deputies did reveals their neo-imperialistic ambitions," said Irakli Gogava, chairman of the Georgian parliamentarian subcommittee on CIS issues. He added that the possible admission of Abkhazia and South Ossetia to the Russian Federation would be a gross violation of international norms. Azerbaijan is also alarmed by the new law. "It opens the doors to separatism on CIS territory," said Vafa Guluzade, the former Azerbaijani presidential advisor on foreign policy and renowned political expert. Russian experts say the proposed legislation is typical of the Kremlin's desire to consolidate its powers in the region, taking advantage of the fact that the breakaway republics see admission to the Russian Federation as the best way of achieving secession. The Moscow daily Nezavisimaya Gazeta believes Russia has all the economic, political and military means to lever CIS states into relinquishing their hold on areas opting to leave. As such, the paper goes on to say that this new law could well fuel separatist movements in other parts of CIS such as Crimea, Ukraine and Kazakstan - and, in doing so, threaten the organisation's very future. In attempting to bring the breakaway republics into its orbit, Moscow sees an opportunity to at least partially gain back some of the influence it lost after the collapse of the Soviet Union. In particular, drawing in Abkhazia and South Ossetia could allow Russia to maintain a military presence in the southern Caucasus, if, as seems likely, Georgia insists that all Russian army bases are removed from the country. In the case of Nagorno Karabakh, Moscow could acquire an effective trump card against Azerbaijan and Armenia. It was a remarkable coincidence that around the time when the Duma passed it controversial bill, the Nagorno-Karabakh capital Stepanakert hosted a second meeting of the foreign ministers of the four breakaway republics, providing them with a opportunity to jointly mull over Moscow's overture. Apart from their obvious pro-Russian sympathies, the breakaway republics are likely to warm to the Moscow offer because of their growing disillusionment with talks to resolve their respective conflicts. At their meeting last year, the ministers expressed the view that Western mediation of some kind was necessary. But they now appear to be changing their mind - and have become quite critical of international involvement, particularly that of the OSCE. "The OSCE is trying to impose some European model without considering the regional and historical background of the conflicts," said Transdniestrian foreign minister Valeri Litskaya. "All conflict regions want to have Russia as a guarantor for security, and object to the deployment of international peacekeeping forces." Speculating about possible developments, the Russian newspaper Kommersant said Abkhazia and Transdniestr have already approached the Duma about their possible admission to the Russian Federation. The Ossetian president Ludwig Chibirov, meanwhile, declared that Tbilisi had not so far complied with its obligation to provide economic assistance to South Ossetia, thus forcing the entity to consider other options in the region. "South Ossetia has enjoyed de-facto independence for the past decade," said Chibirov. Although open to new OSCE initiatives, he said he would also consider taking Russia up on her offer. Mikhail Vignansky is the editor of the Prime News information agency in Tbilisi ARMENIA ENERGY CRISIS Armenia's energy sector survived the tough post-Soviet years but is now running out of steam By Susanna Petrosyan in Yerevan Scan recent press headlines in Yerevan and you will notice that Armenia's supposedly successful energy sector is not doing as well as you were led to believe. The collapse of common markets following the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991 brought to a standstill entire sectors of the Armenian economy, but not the country's energy producers who emerged successfully from crisis. But now, workers' salaries are not being paid - unheard of over the past 20 years when the government was fully aware and appreciative of the strategic importance of the sector. On June 22, workers at the Razdanski thermo-power plant wrote an open letter to Prime Minister Andranik Markarian, threatening industrial action if their five-month-old arrears were not cleared. The employees could not understand why they weren't receiving their salaries when the electricity bill collection rates for Armenia are around 90 per cent. Energy Minister Karen Galustryan offered an explanation - the unpaid wages were due to outstanding debts to international donors, he said. He added the problem was further compounded by Armenia's debt to Russia, a 54 million US dollar loan used to buy nuclear fuel and ensure better safety standards at Razdanski. Finance and economy minister Vardan Kharchatyan said the loan "squeezes us more than all other debts together". Analysts say Russia is using its monopoly on gas and nuclear fuel supplies to Armenia to bolster its political influence in the country. For, although Yerevan's debt appears miniscule compared to what other CIS countries owe Moscow, Armenia has faced intensified pressure during the past year to pay up. Political observer Stepan Grigoryan, a member of the Armat think-tank, says although Russia's influence in the region is on the wane, it can never be written off, especially when it comes to tightening the economic noose. This explains, for instance, Moscow's active participation in recent talks in Moscow on the 140 km Iran-Armenia gas pipeline - an inter-governmental project estimated to cost 120 million US dollars. Signed in 1992, and expanded in 1995, details of the project still remain inexplicably shrouded in secrecy. Russian, French and Belgian companies have expressed interest in building the pipeline, but no one has given the go-ahead and Yerevan itself complains of being kept in the dark by the Russians and the Iranians. It appears both sides are discussing possible contractors, but no agreement has been announced. And, as if further complication were needed, the media is giving contradictory reports on the talks. Iran's state radio said last week that Russian giant Gazprom and energy company Itera were likely to participate in building the pipeline. But Gazprom chairman Rem Vrakhirev denied this, saying they still preferred Black Sea and Eastern European routes. The pipeline is of vital importance to Armenia, whose population has, for several years now, been forced to rely on electricity - four times more expensive than gas. The European Union has lent its support to the project, especially as it urges Yerevan to close its nuclear power station on safety grounds. The European Commission wanted the plant decommissioned by 2004, but Armenian officials say that date has now been postponed. Armenian energy bosses say the grid must be privatised for the energy sector to function properly. However, a government tender failed to attract any interest and a new one is to take place later this year. Iranian, Russian and Western European companies are likely to take part. Susanna Petrosyan writes for the Noyan Topan news agency in Yerevan ISLAM'S TARNISHED IMAGE The revival of moderate Islam in North Ossetia has been set back by fear and propaganda By Valeri Dzutsev in Vladikavkaz "You Muslims are hypocrites - the Koran permits you to behead hostages but prohibits drinking," shouted a young man at a recent Islamic meeting in Vladikavkaz, North Ossetia - an obvious reference to the notorious television shot of a Russian hostage being executed by a Chechen rebel. The criticism was hurled at a young Muslim activist, Taimuraz Rubaev, who was extolling the Koranic prohibition on alcohol. Rubaev replied, "Islam has nothing to do with the Chechen war - that's all about money laundering." Nevertheless, many people in the region, including some Muslims, have been swayed by the torrent of anti-Chechen propaganda pumped out by Russian television and started to believe that terrorism and senseless brutality are attributes of Islam. "I won't call myself a Muslim anymore after what I've seen on TV," is a typical comment. The fact that Chechnya was one of the biggest sources of instability in the region and that Chechens identified so firmly with Islam in their struggle against the Russians meant that it acquired bad associations among people in the Caucasus. In this atmosphere of suspicion and distrust, Muslims are upset that what they see as the accomplishments of Islam in the Caucasus are being hidden from public view. They quote statistics showing that crime last year in predominantly Muslim Azerbaijan was twice as low as in Christian Georgia and Armenia. They also stress Islamic promotion of family values, peaceful co-existence with other religions, and its opposition to drugs. At the beginning of the 1990s, Islam began to flourish again after years of Soviet suppression, during which all the mosques in North Ossetia were closed. In the immediate post-communist period, old mosques were repaired and new ones built. The revival was funded by a number of prominent Ossetians, like parliamentary chairman Taimuraz Mamsurov, a well-known philanthropist, and the Muslim head of the Russian Savings Bank. Muslim youth were allowed to study Islam abroad in Near East countries and teachers of Islam came here to preach. But there were soon setbacks. After the 1992 conflict with Ingushetia, which also has a Muslim minority, tolerance of Islam dropped dramatically. One of the main reasons was that some Muslims in North Ossetia refused to fight against their co-religionists in the neighbouring republic. The Muslim minority is now widely mistrusted inside North Ossetia. "We cannot count on fellow Ossetians who worship Allah, " said Second World War veteran Nikolai Tsoraev. "You never know when they are going to sell you out to their brothers in Ingushetia." With the spread of anti-Islamic sentiment, the Muslim community has come under pressure to be as inconspicuous as possible. The authorities, fearing that Wahhabism, an extremist Islamic movement, might take hold in the country, have sought to restrict contact between Muslim youth and Near East countries. "When I was on my way to Teheran for Islamic studies a few years ago, they tried to stop me going there," said one young Muslim. The youth loudly proclaims that Islam offers worthy ideals for young people and combats the ills of modern society. "Look around you, the old generation has vodka as their god, youth have become drug addicts and prostitutes," he said. "Islam would put an end to this." The authorities are wary of such radical sentiment - and are clearly determined to prevent it from becoming more widespread. With the state so suspicious of Muslims, moderates among them seem to have little hope of persuading the government to adopt a more tolerant approach to their community. Valeri Dzutsev is a regular IWPR contributor ********** VISIT IWPR ON-LINE: www.iwpr.net ************** IWPR's Caucasus Reporting Service provides the regional and international community with unique insiders' perspective on the Caucasus. Using our network of local journalists, the service publishes objective news and analysis from across the region on a weekly basis. The service forms part of IWPR's Caucasus Project which supports local media development while encouraging better local and international understanding of the region. IWPR's Caucasus Reporting Service is supported by the Regional Media Fund of the Open Society Institute. The service is currently available on the Web in English and in Russian. All IWPR's reporting services including Balkan Crisis Reports, Reporting Central Asia and Tribunal Update are available free of charge via e-mail subscription or direct from the Web. To subscribe to any of the news services, e-mail IWPR at [EMAIL PROTECTED] For further details on this project and other information services and media programmes, visit IWPR's Website: <www.iwpr.net>. Editor-in-chief: Anthony Borden. Managing Editor: Yigal Chazan; Assistant Editor: Philip O'Neil; Commissioning Editor: Marina Rennau in Tbilisi; Associate Editors: Ara Tadevosian in Yerevan, Shahin Rzayev in Baku and Zarina Kanukova in Nalchik. Editorial assistance: Mirna Jancic and Heather Milner. To comment on this service, contact IWPR's Programme Director: Alan Davis [EMAIL PROTECTED] The Institute for War & Peace Reporting (IWPR) is a London-based independent non-profit organisation supporting regional media and democratic change. Lancaster House, 33 Islington High Street, London N1 9LH, United Kingdom.Tel: (44 207) 713 7130; Fax: (44 207) 713 7140. E-mail: [EMAIL PROTECTED]; Web: www.iwpr.net The opinions expressed in IWPR's Caucasus Reporting Service are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent those of the publication or of IWPR. Copyright (c) IWPR 2001 IWPR'S CAUCASUS REPORTING SERVICE, No. 90 {#} ----------------------------------------------------+[ crsenglish ]+---
