http://www.guardian.co.uk/comment/story/0,3604,1116854,00.html

On the edge of lunacy

British foreign aid is now targeted at countries willing to sell off 
their assets to big business

By George Monbiot
Guardian (London)
January 6, 2004

Spare a thought this bleak new year for all those who rely on 
charity. Open your hearts, for example, to a group of people who, 
though they live in London, are in such desperate need of handouts 
that last year they received 7.6m in foreign aid. The Adam Smith 
Institute, the ultra-rightwing lobby group, now receives more money 
from Britain's Department for International Development (DfID) than 
Liberia or Somalia, two of the most desperate nations on Earth.

Are the members of the Adam Smith Institute starving? Hardly. They 
work in plush offices in Great Smith Street, just around the corner 
from the Houses of Parliament. They hold lavish receptions and bring 
in speakers from all over the world. Big business already contributes 
generously to this good cause.

It gets what it pays for. The institute's purpose is to devise new 
means for corporations to grab the resources that belong to the 
public realm. Its president, Madsen Pirie, claims to have invented 
the word privatisation. His was the organisation that persuaded the 
Conservative government to sell off the railways, deregulate the 
buses, introduce the poll tax, cut the top rates of income tax, 
outsource local government services and start to part-privatise the 
national health service and the education system. "We propose 
things," Pirie once boasted, "which people regard as being on the 
edge of lunacy. The next thing you know, they're on the edge of 
policy." In this spirit, his institute now calls for the 
privatisation of social security, the dismantling of the NHS and a 
shift from public to private education. It opposes government 
spending on everything, in other words, except the Adam Smith 
Institute.

So what on earth is going on? Why are swivel-eyed ideologues in 
London a more deserving cause than starving refugees in Somalia? To 
understand what is happening, we must first revise our conception of 
what foreign aid is for.

Aid has always been an instrument of foreign policy. During the cold 
war, it was used to buy the loyalties of states that might otherwise 
have crossed to the other side. Even today, the countries that 
receive the most money tend to be those that are of greatest 
strategic use to the donor nation, which is why the US gives more to 
Israel than it does to sub-Saharan Africa.

But foreign policy is also driven by commerce, and in particular by 
the needs of domestic exporters. Aid goes to countries that can buy 
our manufacturers' products. Sometimes it doesn't go to countries at 
all, but straight to the manufacturers. A US government website 
boasts that "the principal beneficiary of America's foreign 
assistance programs has always been the United States. Close to 80% 
of the US Agency for International Development's contracts and grants 
go directly to American firms."

A doctor working in Gondar hospital in Ethiopia wrote to me recently 
to spell out what this means. The hospital has none of the basic 
textbooks on tropical diseases it needs. But it does have 21 copies 
of an 800-page volume called Aesthetic Facial Surgery and 24 volumes 
of a book called Opthalmic Pathology. There is no opthalmic 
pathologist in training in Ethiopia. The poorest nation on Earth, 
unsurprisingly, has no aesthetic plastic surgeons. The US had spent 
$2m on medical textbooks that American publishers hadn't been able to 
sell at home, called them aid and dumped them in Ethiopia.

In Britain the Labour government claims to have abandoned such 
practices, though only because they infringe European rules on 
competition. But now it has found a far more effective means of 
helping the rich while pretending to help the poor. It is spending 
its money on projects that hand public goods to corporations.

It is now giving, for example, 342m to the Indian state of Andhra 
Pradesh. This is a staggering amount of money, 15 times what it spent 
last year on the famine in Ethiopia. Why is Andhra Pradesh so lucky? 
Because its chief minister, or "chief executive" as he now likes to 
be known, is doing to his state what Pinochet did to Chile: handing 
everything that isn't nailed down, and quite a lot that is, to big 
business. Most of the money DfID is giving him is being used to 
"restructure" and "reform" the state and its utilities.

His programme will dispossess 20 million people from the land and 
contribute massively to poverty. DfID's own report on the biggest of 
the schemes it is funding in the state reveals that it suffers from 
"major failings", has "negative consequences on food security" and 
does "nothing about providing alternative income for those 
displaced". But it permits Andhra Pradesh to become a laboratory for 
the kind of mass privatisation the department is seeking to encourage 
all over the world.

In Zambia, DfID is spending just 700,000 on improving nutrition, but 
56m on privatising the copper mines. In Ghana, the department made 
its aid payments for upgrading the water system conditional on 
partial privatisation. Foreign aid from Britain now means giving to 
the rich the resources that keep the poor alive.

So there are rich pickings for organisations like the Adam Smith 
Institute. It is being hired by DfID as a consultancy, telling 
countries like South Africa how to flog off the family silver. It is 
hard to see how this helps the poor. The South African government's 
preparations for privatisation, according to a study by the Municipal 
Services Project, led to almost 10 million people having their water 
cut off, 10 million people having their electricity cut off, and over 
2 million people being evicted from their homes for non-payment of 
bills.

What we see here, in other words, is a revival of an ancient British 
charitable tradition. During the Irish potato famine, the British 
government made famine relief available to the starving, but only if 
they agreed to lose their tenancies on the land. The 1847 Poor Law 
Extension Act cleared Ireland for the landlords. Today, the British 
government is helping the corporations to seize not only the land 
from the poor, but also the water, the utilities, the mines, the 
schools, the health services and anything else they might find 
profitable. And you and I are paying for it.

All this was pioneered by the sainted Clare Short. Short's trick was 
to retain her radical credentials by publicly criticising the work of 
other departments, while retaining her job by pursuing in her own 
department policies that were far more vicious and destructive than 
those she attacked. Blair's trick was to keep her there, to assure 
old Labour voters that they still had a voice in government, while 
ensuring that Short did precisely what his corporate backers wanted.

I never thought I would hear myself saying this, and I recognise that 
in doing so I may be handing ammunition to the rightwing lobby groups 
campaigning for a reduction in government spending, such as, for 
example, the Adam Smith Institute. But if this is what foreign aid 
amounts to, it seems to me that there is too much of it, rather than 
too little. Britain's Department for International Development is 
beginning to do more harm than good.


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