"The G8 climate communiqué demonstrates that not only Washington but 
the other powerful economies of the world are opposed to effective 
climate action."

Maybe James Hansen needs to broaden his scope a little beyond merely 
wanting to jail Big Oil's CEOs "for high crimes against humanity and 
nature, accusing them of actively spreading doubt about global 
warming in the same way that tobacco companies blurred the links 
between smoking and cancer".

Not that it would help, it's not the people, it's who they work for. 
Who or what.

"How to kill a mammoth," Roberto Verzola, secretary-general of the 
Philippine Greens:
<http://www.mail-archive.com/biofuel@sustainablelists.org/msg30628.html>
[biofuel] Mammoth corporations

  - K

-----

http://www.fpif.org/fpiftxt/5367

The Anti-Climate Summit

Walden Bello | July 15, 2008

Foreign Policy In Focus

While drafting the so-called Bali Roadmap during the UN Conference on 
climate change last December, delegates faced a painful choice. They 
could specifically mention the necessity of reducing greenhouse gas 
(GHG) emissions by 25-40% by 2020 and face the possibility of a U.S. 
walkout from the negotiations. Or they could drop all mention of 
targets to keep Washington in the negotiations - and risk* the United 
States fatally obstructing the process of coming up with a tough 
regime of mandatory emissions cuts that would have to be in place by 
the UN's climate meeting in Copenhagen in December 2009.

The delegates went with the latter and appeased Washington by not 
mentioning any targets. After the declaration on climate issued by 
the G8 summit a few days ago in Hokkaido, Japan, it is clear that the 
delegates in Bali made a strategic mistake. The G8's endorsement of a 
50% reduction in emissions by 2050, which they have presented as a 
major step forward, is actually, as the South African government put 
it, a "regression from what is required to make a meaningful 
contribution to meeting the challenges of climate change."

In fact, "regression" is too polite. The G8 position is a giant step 
backward. It may have effectively undermined the prospects for an 
effective global climate strategy for the second commitment period of 
the Kyoto Protocol that is expected to be finalized at the crucial UN 
meeting in Copenhagen in December 2009.

Deconstructing the G8 Position

Given the massive confusion that the G8 climate communique has 
created globally, it is worthwhile to deconstruct the position in 
detail.

The 25-40% reduction from 1990 emission levels by 2020 that could 
have been adopted in Bali grew out of a developing consensus. Based 
on the latest report of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change 
(IPCC), this consensus holds that preventing global mean temperature 
from rising above the critical threshold of 2 degrees centigrade in 
the 21st century will require radical cuts in greenhouse gas 
emissions of 80-90% by 2050. The 25-40% reductions were an 
intermediate target on the path to achieving this goal. The G8 
"commitment" of about half this final target is grossly inadequate.

Several other considerations highlight the dangers of the 
Washington-driven formula. First, the G8 proposes a global cut, not 
one that would be undertaken only by the industrialized or "Annex 
One" countries. As such, big polluters like the United States can 
actually free-ride on the rest of the world.

Second, the cut has no clear baseline. When making the announcement, 
Japanese Prime Minister Yasuo Fukuda initially said the cut was from 
1990 levels. Then he had to take back that statement and subsequently 
mentioned the higher levels of 2000 as the baseline.

Third, this declaration of intent is not binding, and the G8 have 
given no indication that they want to bring their "pledge" fully 
under the UN climate negotiations framework that would bind its 
signatories. Indeed, the G8 announcement reinforces the G8 as a site 
for climate action that rivals the UN process and effectively 
subverts it. Not surprisingly, the G8 declaration emerged as part of 
a parallel process known as the "Major Economies Meeting." The Major 
Economies Meeting is a U.S. initiative to wrest decision-making on 
climate from the UN framework and process.

Anti-Climate United Front

The G8 climate communiqué demonstrates that not only Washington but 
the other powerful economies of the world are opposed to effective 
climate action. And without the rich country governments committing 
themselves to obligatory radical cuts in carbon dioxide levels, it 
will be impossible to convince China, India, and other rapidly 
industrializing economies to agree to subject themselves to a 
mandatory regime in the near future.

With Washington's posture so retrograde, the policies of other 
developed country governments appear in a more positive light. But 
this is an illusion. While Washington has been the most visible 
obstacle to achieving effective action on climate, the obstructionist 
role of the other advanced industrial countries has not been 
insignificant. Japan and Canada, for instance, have retreated from 
their previous support for a regime of mandatory reductions and saved 
Washington from total isolation in the negotiations.

The European Union, while it continues to support a mandatory regime, 
does not appear to be willing to support the cuts of up to 80-90% by 
2050 that are necessary to prevent irreversible large-scale climate 
change. In terms of its approach to reducing carbon emissions, the 
EU, like the United States, has increasingly given a central role to 
the corporate-friendly market approach of carbon trading. On the 
critical issue of providing the South with assistance for technology 
and adaptation, the EU, again like United States, prefers to channel 
the relatively little money it has so far been willing to commit not 
through institutional mechanisms set up under UN auspices but through 
those established by the World Bank, such as the Bank's Climate 
Investment Funds. The reason is simple: the North controls the World 
Bank.

Most importantly, like the United States and Japan, the European 
governments continue to hang on to the position that economic growth 
can be "decoupled" from energy use. In other words, they think they 
can maintain current European consumption levels and only have to 
achieve the more efficient use of energy and replace oil with other 
energy sources. Thus, the EU has preferred to lull Europeans with 
panaceas. Brussels has championed biofuels, though its enthusiasm has 
been dampened somewhat by the increasingly evident negative impact of 
biofuels on global agricultural production. It has also increasingly 
come out in support of hard energy alternatives, such as mega-dams 
and carbon sequestration and storage technology, and has also 
reopened the discussion on nuclear energy.

A Painless Transition?

The focus on techno-fixes is not limited to the political and 
economic elites of the North but is shared by key members of its 
intellectual elite. I'm not talking about people like the Danish 
climate skeptic Bjorn Lomborg but influential opinion-makers like 
Jeffrey Sachs, who has attempted to transform himself from the author 
of economic shock therapy in Eastern Europe to a progressive partisan 
of the struggles to end poverty and to fight global warming. In his 
latest book Common Wealth, Sachs' message is that technology can make 
the transition to a clean Green world a relatively painless one, with 
no major lifestyle change in the North and no change in the 
high-growth development paradigm in the South. "Rather than focusing, 
as some environmentalists do, on reducing the income and consumption 
of the rich world," he asserts, "we should focus much more on raising 
theŠsustainability of the world's technologies."

For Sachs, the key technology is carbon capture and sequestration 
(CCS) "which will allow the world to continue to use low cost fossil 
fuels such as coal in a manner that does not wreck the climate." With 
what can only be described as childlike techno-enthusiasm, Sachs 
says, "air capture would allow humanity to reverse a previous rise of 
CO2 by capturing and sequestering more carbon dioxide than is being 
emitted in any period! Put differently, the best that can be achieved 
at a power plant is to stop new emissions. With air capture, we could 
put into reverse what we've done up to this point." That this 
technology is at least 20 years away from being a practical 
technology and comes with unknown risks does not enter Sachs' sci-fi 
scenario.

Capitalism and the Climate Crisis

Herman Daly, the renowned environmentalist, calls this attitude -- 
that environmental action stops when it begins to impinge on the 
economy -- "growthmania." Growthmania, however, goes beyond being a 
psychological fix. It is a cultivated ideological predisposition that 
serves as a protective shield for global capitalism. Capitalism is an 
expansive mode of production, and it can only reproduce itself by 
continually transforming living nature into dead commodities. This is 
essentially what growth is all about. This is why ever-increasing 
consumption is so central to the engine of profitability that drives 
capitalism.

The G8 -- the directorate of global capitalism -- is trying hard to 
avoid just such radical controls on growth, consumption, profits, and 
the market that a viable strategy to stave off the looming climate 
catastrophe will necessitate. Voluntary cuts, technofixes, and carbon 
trading are desperate efforts to prevent the inevitable. Just like 
the U.S. economy during World War II, it will take planned economies 
with severely regulated markets and profits, strictly controlled 
consumption, and equitably shared sacrifice to win the war against 
climate change.


A columnist for Foreign Policy In Focus (www.fpif.org), Walden Bello 
is also senior analyst at the Bangkok-based research and advocacy 
institute Focus on the Global South and professor of sociology at the 
University of the Philippines.


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