How Robert Mueller Crushed the Republican Party’s ‘Dump Trump’ Crowd

By Bill Powell <https://www.newsweek.com/authors/bill-powell>  On 3/29/19 at
4:32 PM EDT 

“Complete and total exoneration.”

Donald Trump’s words echoed across Washington on a Sunday afternoon in late
March as Attorney General William Barr revealed the long-awaited conclusions
of the Russia-gate probe. Indeed, after nearly two years of investigation
into Kremlin interference in the 2016 campaign, special counsel Robert
Mueller had found no collusion. And while, according to Barr, Mueller
carefully noted that his report did not completely exonerate Trump on the
charge of obstruction of justice, the president blew through the legalese,
knowing the distinction would make no difference to much of the American
public and certainly not to his loyal Republican base.

“It’s a shame that our country had to go through this,” he said before
boarding Air Force One for the nation’s capital after a weekend of golf at
his Mar-a-Lago resort. “To be honest, it’s a shame your president had to go
through this."

He added, “This was an illegal takedown that failed.”

Republicans celebrated. Democrats griped. Presidential contenders, a New
York Times headline blared, would now have to emphasize—gulp—issues. But it
was yet another group that felt the sting almost as much: the Never
Trumpers.

For much of the past two years, this constellation of Republican lawmakers,
conservative pundits and policy wonks, and GOP operatives had hoped Mueller
would help rid them of, as they saw him, the crude political rube who had
hijacked their beloved Grand Old Party. Some campaigned loudly for Trump’s
demise, on Twitter and cable news. Others, however, operated mostly in the
shadows. Like dissidents in an authoritarian country, they held secret
meetings in a conference room of a little-known Washington think tank called
the Niskanen Center. About once a month, they shared private polling data on
Trump, passed along the names of political activists around the country who
opposed the president and, perhaps most important, discussed potential
primary challengers who could lead the “Dump Trump” movement.

Just weeks before the Mueller news, a group of lobbyists, congressional
aides and policy experts from conservative think tanks spent an entire
session talking about how to sell free trade and fiscal restraint to voters
in the age of Trump. Now, these Republicans face a reinvigorated and
vengeful standard-bearer, fully embraced by a party establishment no longer
encumbered by the looming threat of a criminal indictment from Mueller. “The
cloud hanging over President Trump has been removed,” said Senate Judiciary
Committee Chairman Lindsey Graham.

Publicly, the Never Trumpers say their unlikely cause endures. “This was
never about Mueller or the Russia investigation,” says Rick Wilson, the
Florida-based Republican operative and author of Everything Trump Touches
Dies. “It’s about his unfitness for office.”

“He’s incompetent and really bad for the party,” says Mike Murphy, the
veteran GOP strategist, “and he’ll hand the country over to a party that’s
going full socialist.”

“We need to see the Mueller report,” conservative commentator Bill Kristol
wrote on Twitter, echoing Democrats on Capitol Hill. The evidence “will
confirm he ought not be re-elected.”

But privately, members of this group acknowledge the dream is dying, if not
already dead, the herculean task of bringing down an incumbent president
from inside the party now infinitely harder, if not impossible. Yes, a bevy
of other investigations in state and federal prosecutors’ offices, as well
as in Congress, are proceeding on everything from hush money payments to
money laundering to illegal donations, and Mueller’s confidential
report—Barr has vowed to release a public version in the coming weeks—may
yet contain damaging details about Trump’s conduct.

But for the moment, it seems the single, largest bullet is gone. After
nearly two years of Russia-gate frenzy and impeachment talk, Democratic
leaders are moving on, attempting to pivot to health care and other
kitchen-table issues. And Trump and the GOP are now the ones on the
offensive, with the president pledging to investigate the “treasonous”
people behind the Mueller “witch hunt.” A Reuters/Ipsos poll found Trump’s
job approval jumping 4 points, to 43 percent, in the wake of the findings. 

Some Never Trumpers asked for anonymity to speak freely post-Mueller, an
acknowledgment of the changing political currents and Trump’s new lease on
life.

“I’m not going to deny that this is a win for Trump, a big win. And it makes
our job harder,” said one leading Never Trumper. “He’ll get a bounce from
this. The question is: Will he piss it away by being Trump?”

Dumping Trump has always been a quixotic effort. Throughout his tumultuous
presidency, he has remained overwhelmingly popular among registered
Republicans. His approval rating among party members is 84 percent,
according to a recent Harvard CAPS/Harris poll. GOP critics, like former
Arizona Senator Jeff Flake, soon found their own campaigns foundering when
they questioned the president, his positions or his appointees. “This is
very much the president’s party,” Flake, who decided not to run for
re-election last year, told The Hill. “When you look at the base and look at
those who vote in Republican primaries, I think that is clear.”

But while much of the rank and file who supported others in the 2016
primaries got over their shock—winning the general election tends to heal a
lot of political wounds—a significant minority didn’t, haunted by the image
of Trump accepting the Republican nomination to the sounds of the Rolling
Stones’ “You Can’t Always Get What You Want.”

Unsurprisingly, many of them hail from Bush World—those who helped George W.
in 2000 and 2004 and then Jeb in 2016—believers in a mainstream
Republicanism that defined the GOP for generations: fiscal conservatism,
expansive free trade, muscular foreign policy. They watched from the wings
as Trump humiliated “Low Energy Jeb” and ridiculed “compassionate
conservatism,” paving the way for nativism and nationalism.

“Do we want some payback?” asked Wilson, a strategist for Jeb Bush in 2016.
“Sure we do.”

Murphy, who ran Bush’s 2016 super PAC, chuckles when he hears that. “Yeah,”
he cracks, “I’m the idiot who blew $100 million on Jeb.” The longtime
consultant has been a strategic force behind many of the GOP’s rising stars
for decades. Before running Bush’s lavishly funded operation, he was an
adviser for John McCain’s “Straight Talk Express” bus campaign in 2000, Mitt
Romney’s campaign for governor of Massachusetts in 2002, Jeb’s successful
bids for Florida governor and Arnold Schwarzenegger’s gubernatorial
campaigns in California. His motive, he says, is political.

Trump, Murphy argues, means “political death for the party.” Last year’s
midterm elections, he says, were a referendum on the president. Moderate
Republicans, independents and suburban women all fled the GOP in droves,
leading to a loss of 40 congressional seats and control of the House. For
any number of reasons—Trump’s crudeness and his harsh tone on immigration
among them—he does not see them coming back in 2020.

Murphy views himself as the chief communicator of “a Paul Revere project,”
trying to persuade grass-roots activists—some 10,000 to 13,000 nationwide,
all in his digital Rolodex from past campaigns—that Trump will drag down the
party in 2020. Even post-Mueller he believes Trump is “political anthrax”
that would wipe out Republicans up and down the ticket. Whether GOP voters
listen is an open question.

In January, a Marist poll found that 44 percent of Republicans want Trump to
face a primary challenger. Other surveys have found similar results in New
Hampshire and even higher numbers in Iowa.

The task of finding that challenger has largely fallen to Kristol, the
neoconservative political analyst who helped recruit Sarah Palin to revive
McCain’s flagging presidential bid in 2008. He too has objections to Trump’s
policies—the president’s isolationist strain and his disdain for traditional
American alliances in particular—but his opposition seems more visceral. He
considers Trump a “boorish clown” and believes his alleged sexual dalliances
with a porn star and a pinup model are beyond the pale.

Kristol and his deputy at the Defending Democracy Together nonprofit, Sarah
Longwell, have tried to entice several GOP politicians, including Flake,
former Ohio Governor John Kasich, and current Nebraska Senator Ben Sasse.
All have declined. He has had one prominent nibble: Larry Hogan, the popular
Republican governor of Maryland who won two terms in a deep blue state. His
father, a congressman from Maryland, was famously one of the first GOP
politicians to turn against President Richard Nixon during Watergate.

But even Hogan, who has opposed Trump on immigration and fiscal policy, has
said publicly that the Mueller report was going to influence his thinking,
and he declined comment when Newsweek sought to clarify his position after
the special counsel news. He is, however, still planning on attending the
Politics & Eggs breakfast organized by the New Hampshire Institute of
Politics in April, a tradition for all candidates testing the presidential
waters. When I spoke with him in March, he was clear-eyed about the
prospects. His biggest worry? 

“1884,” he said, in reference to the last time a sitting president was
denied his party’s nomination.

For now, the only Republican actually leaning toward running against Trump
in 2020 is William Weld, the 73-year-old former Massachusetts governor who
ran for vice president on the Libertarian ticket in 2016. But Kristol and
others worry that anyone who opposes a reality-TV sensation like Trump needs
to be a star in his or her own right—that is, someone who is already
nationally recognized and could plausibly be president.

Mitt Romney, the 2012 Republican presidential nominee, sparked interest in
January, when, as a new senator from Utah, he penned an op-ed in The
Washington Post trashing Trump. “With the nation so divided, resentful and
angry, presidential leadership in qualities of character is indispensable,”
he wrote, adding, “I will speak out against significant statements or
actions that are divisive, racist, sexist, anti-immigrant, dishonest or
destructive to democratic institutions.”

Romney tells Newsweek that he’ll also praise Trump when it’s warranted—“and
on the economy and on judges, he’s done well”—but criticize the president
when he fails to live up to the stature of the office. “It may be an
old-fashioned notion, but the president is a role model for some people,
even in 2019, and I think [Trump] has to keep that in mind.” Did that mean
he was considering a primary challenge next year?

“I’m here to be a senator from Utah,” Romney says.

With little more than polite talk about “qualities of character,” Trump and
his re-election campaign should be breathing easy, right? Not exactly.

When Weld announced an exploratory committee in February, the president’s
political high command wasted no time trashing him. Corey Lewandowski, who
helped run the Trump campaign in 2016, called him “a pathetic opportunist”
who “just wants to stay relevant.” Steve Stepanek, a Trump ally who heads
the New Hampshire GOP, said Weld “isn’t a Republican, and we don’t want him
back.”

The reason for the vitriol against even an obscure former governor was
simple: When an incumbent is challenged in his own party, he tends to lose.
Ronald Reagan ran against Gerald Ford in 1976; former Senator Edward Kennedy
tried to unseat Jimmy Carter in 1980; and Pat Buchanan led a populist
uprising against George H.W. Bush in 1992. All three presidents survived
those challenges but lost their general elections. That’s why one senior
Trump political adviser acknowledges, “Obviously, we don’t want any part of
[a primary challenge]. We’d be much better off spending our time and money
defining all these lunatic left-wingers running for the Democrats.”

What would a primary challenge look like? For starters, any candidate who
goes for it has to assume he or she will lose, Murphy says. “If you’re
liberated, you’re truly dangerous,” he notes. And the case against Trump?
His presidency is one of “uncivil, loud incompetence.” He and others cite as
examples the recent government shutdown; Trump’s “obsession,” as Wilson puts
it, with the border wall; and his affinity for trade wars. Longwell,
Kristol’s deputy at Defending Democracy Together, says, “I want there to be
a viable, responsible Republican governing party,” and she bets a lot of
other GOPers across the country agree with her.

It is difficult to overstate the contempt with which Trump’s campaign
operatives, and most of his supporters, view this assessment. “It’s hard to
know what planet these people are on,” says Lewandowski. Team Trump rejects
every single aspect of the Dump Trump critique.

They start with a fundamental point: The people fantasizing about ousting
Trump seem to be operating from the premise that a conventional Republican
presidential campaign can be successful: tax cuts, deregulation, smaller
government, free trade and more legal immigration at home, American strength
and leadership abroad. “That’s McCain in 2008, Romney in 2012. The last
candidate to win as a standard Republican was George W. Bush, and that was a
long time ago,” says a key Trump political operative. “These people seem to
think that he’s this political accident and that once he’s gone the GOP can
just go back to what it was and somehow actually win a presidential
election.”

This source says, “That is the very definition of insanity.”

Trump supporters argue that the politics of three issues in
particular—trade, immigration and America’s role in the world—have been
irrevocably changed by his election. They believe the surest way for the GOP
to lose the three key states that gave Trump the presidency in
2016—Pennsylvania, Michigan and Wisconsin—is to run a “free trade is great”
campaign. In the battleground Midwest, “no one believes that,” says
Lewandowski, “and you can sure as hell bet the slouching toward socialism
Democrats are not going to run to the right of Trump on trade next year.”

Trump’s advisers insist that a hard line on immigration keeps his base
solidified. And even though a dozen Republican senators revolted and voted
against emergency funding for the border wall in March, Trump’s political
advisers believe the issue has quiet resonance outside Washington, among
Americans who don’t “sit around and get lectured about how they’re racists
on CNN and MSNBC every night,” as one White House aide puts it. In this
calculus, the GOP might attract moderate suburban women in northern Virginia
or Main Line Philadelphia by toning down the rhetoric about illegal
immigrants, but they’ll say goodbye to Mahoning County, Ohio, or Macomb
County, Michigan.

On key foreign policy issues, where many mainstream Republicans in Congress
are uneasy with Trump’s desire to pull U.S. troops out of Syria and
Afghanistan, his political advisers say all the president has done is ask
common sense questions: What are we doing in Syria if ISIS is gone? Why,
after 18 years, are we still in Afghanistan? And shouldn’t our NATO allies
pay at least a little more toward their defense? Is that really so
outrageous to ask? “The fact that the foreign policy establishment, both
Democrats and Republicans, gets so upset when Trump talks about this stuff
is simply a reflection of how ossified they are,” says a Trump adviser.

Moreover, the president’s backers point to the numbers, in particular in
Iowa and New Hampshire.

Sure, some Republicans say they’d like to see someone challenge Trump, but
the most recent poll by The New Hampshire Journal, taken in the midst of the
government shutdown, showed that 80 percent of GOP respondents approved of
Trump’s performance in office. Only 10 percent disapproved. In Iowa, the
numbers are similar. And now, Team Trump argues, the end of the Mueller
“witch hunt,” as Trump repeatedly called it, “will boost our numbers
everywhere,” says Lewandowski. “Bank on it.”

Trump’s supporters like the fact that on taxes, gun rights and the
judiciary, he has governed very much as a conservative, “one of the most
conservative presidents in a generation,” argues New Hampshire GOP campaign
consultant Greg Mueller. The economy is strong, the stock market’s up,
“what’s not to like?” GOPers in New Hampshire are willing to set aside the
“stylistic and character critique of the president and support him again.
They like him.”



Attorney General William Barr departs his home in McLean, Virginia, on March
21. Win McNamee/Getty Images 

Some conservative operatives and analysts believe the Dump Trumpers are
making a big strategic mistake in even thinking about trying to run a
conventional, Romney-like candidate. Conservative columnist Philip Klein
wrote recently what a lot of conventional Republicans in the House and
Senate worry about: “If somebody runs…on a traditional free market and free
trade platform and gets slaughtered by Trump, it only bolsters the strength
of the populist movement within the party and makes the traditional
conservatives look even more irrelevant.” Further, he notes, a primary
challenge that weakens Trump and ends up in his defeat in the general
election will only further inflame distrust among the grass roots toward
elites. “I’m not sure we want to go down that road,” says one GOP
congressman.

So will a challenge ever materialize? Much depends on Trump.

His seat-of-the-pants governing style still nauseates a fair number of
Republicans in Congress, some of whom counseled him to use the post-Mueller
moment to move on and push big-ticket items on his policy agenda, as other
scandal-plagued presidents have done. But so far, Trump has given them
little indication that he would change his bombastic ways.

“There are a lot of people out there that have done some very, very evil
things, some bad things, I would say some treasonous things against our
country,” the president told reporters during an Oval Office meeting a day
after the Mueller report reveal. “And hopefully people that have done such
harm to our country—we’ve gone through a period of really bad things
happening—those people will certainly be looked at.”

Later, he redoubled his attacks on the media as the “Enemy of the People and
the Real Opposition Party” as his press secretary tweeted out a New York
Post graphic dubbed “Mueller Madness,” a basketball-style bracket of “angry
and hysterical” Trump “haters,” including Kristol.

Those who know Trump best say to expect more of the same. “If you think
Donald Trump will just let this whole thing go without capitalizing on it
politically, then you don’t know Donald Trump very well,” former campaign
and White House adviser Steve Bannon tells Newsweek. Says another longtime
friend, “Donald Trump fights back, and he goes after his enemies. Always
has, always will.” 

But even as pundits began debating the dark overtones of political
retribution and the risk of overreach, Trump shocked the system again. His
Justice Department backed an appeal to entirely invalidate Obamacare in a
federal district court in New Orleans. Surprising both parties, Trump then
declared, “The Republican Party will soon become the party of health care.”

The Democratic leadership, which used health care as an issue to great
effect in the 2018 midterm elections, immediately pounced. House Speaker
Nancy Pelosi introduced legislation that would enhance the Affordable Care
Act, and several Democratic presidential candidates denounced the
administration’s court filing. “We will not let the Trump administration rip
health care away from millions of Americans,” Massachusetts Senator
Elizabeth Warren tweeted. “Not now. Not ever.”

This seemed to be the kind of unforced political error that the Never
Trumpers say defines Trump’s presidency and will doom the GOP’s chances next
November. If that turns out to be the case, they will at least be able to
say this: We warned you. 

EM         -> { Trump for 2020 }

On the 49th Parallel          

                 Thé Mulindwas Communication Group
"With Yoweri Museveni, Ssabassajja and Dr. Kiiza Besigye, Uganda is in
anarchy"
                    Kuungana Mulindwa Mawasiliano Kikundi
"Pamoja na Yoweri Museveni, Ssabassajja na Dk. Kiiza Besigye, Uganda ni
katika machafuko" 

 

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