The Jakarta Post

French secularism: Religious liberty and the law

Muhamad Ali, Manoa, Hawaii

Endy M. Bayuni's article, Neither Secular nor Theocratic? Try Laicite,
is very interesting because it argues for Indonesia to consider the
French path of secularism or laicite. Despite Indonesia's formal
adoption of Pancasila as the state ideology, the government, religious
leaders, and the public remain confused about how the state ought to
deal with religious affairs and how religions should relate to the state.

The issue is crucial and timely. The recent attacks and condemnation
of minority groups Ahmadiyah and Liberal Islam Network, the religious
edicts (fatwa) condemning pluralism, liberalism and secularism and the
forced closure of hundreds of churches by hard-liners, are not only
indicative of the constitutionally ambiguous state-religion
relationship, but also of the lack of understanding (and enforcement)
of religious liberty and supremacy of the law in Indonesia.

Of course, Indonesia is not the only country facing such problems. But
Indonesia could have learned from other countries that have faced
similar problems and have generally coped with them more intelligently
and successfully. France could be one of them. The question, however,
is not whether or not Indonesia should adopt the exact and complete
form of French secularism, or laicite, due to its complexity there,
but about which aspects of French laicite could be feasibly
contextualized within Indonesia's situation. Localization or
domestication of some of the good things of French secularism is
perhaps more relevant and feasible today. Two of such elements are
religious liberty and the law.

As Jacques Robert argued well in Enjeux du Siecle: Nos Libertes
(2002), France has experimented throughout its history with nearly all
of the existing forms of church-state relations. Since 1905, France
found that laicite conforms more than any other form to France's
inclinations and ideals. A regime of total separation -- by no means
hostile to, but tolerant of religions -- is the approach that conforms
most to France's democratic ideals of liberty, egalitarianism and
fraternity.

The French Constitution of 1905 stipulates that the Republic ensures
the liberty of conscience and guarantees the free exercise of
religion, under restrictions prescribed by the interests of public
order. It also rules that the Republic does not recognize, remunerate,
or subsidize any religious denomination.

Politically, France prefers the politics of non-recognition (that is,
to abandon the system of recognized religions) to the politics of
recognition (to recognize all religions without discrimination
(recently called the politics of multiculturalism or pluralism).
Although in both cases the state puts all religions at the same level
politically, France decided that in order to be neutral in terms of
religion, it should recognize none. French politics of non-recognition
does not mean, however, that the government does not wish to maintain
good relations with religious leaders and communities. It is not an
attitude of hostility or suspicion, as Jacques Robert aptly put it.

Moreover, unlike Indonesia, the French government does not finance or
subsidize a religion. Yet, the 1905 French Constitution gives the
possibility of state subsidies for activities that have a general
character despite taking place in a religious setting like charities,
hospitals, nursing homes etc.

The same subsidy is also provided for direct administration by public
collectives of certain religious services (religious instruction in
public establishments such as high schools, junior high schools,
hospitals, asylums, prisons, etc.) if the organization is deemed
indispensable to insure that everyone has the freedom to practice
their religion, and the payment of religious ministers when they
render services to the general public (national religious ceremonies,
media events, etc.). But as the basic principle, all churches are
given the liberty to organize themselves and to establish and apply
their internal rules.

On liberty of conscience, France recognizes that there is no
second-class citizen based on ethnicity, class, or religion. In
accordance with one of the articles of The Declaration of the Rights
of Man and the Citizen, no one should be harassed due to his or her
opinions, including religious opinions. Article 2 of the Constitution
of Oct. 4, 1958 under the terms of which France is a secular state
also assures equality before the law for all citizens without
distinction based on origin, race or religion.

The principle of the liberty of religion precludes any operation of
any type of distinction between religions, whether the religion is
practiced by cults, sects, heterodoxies, or by the mainstream. The
state must protect the minority religion in the name of the liberty of
religion.

When religious liberty threatens public order, it is the law that
should be obeyed and enforced. In France, the state shall punish those
who utilize violent acts or threats against an individual (creating
either fear of job loss or causing injury to the individual's person,
family or wealth) to force that individual to participate, or to
refrain from participating, in a religion or religious sect. The
jurisprudence of French tribunals do not interfere in religious rules,
and the courts do not take jurisdiction unless a threat to public
order exists.

Liberty only consists of the power to act in a manner that does not
endanger public safety or individual rights. The law is always
authorized to penalize the authors of these harmful acts, as Jacques
Robert pointed out.

All religious movements that respect the public order must have their
religious practices protected equally. The European Convention on the
Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms, for example,
recognizes the right of every person to receive or communicate ideas
without regard to national borders.

In France, no religious people and movements should be above the law,
because everyone must respect the law. French law will not leave
unpunished the condemnable actions of those who come to illegitimately
proselytize and thus contravene the law. Fraud, abuse of trust,
violence and assault, illegal confinement, lack of assistance to a
person in danger, extreme breaches of fundamental social mores,
illegal practice of medicine, abduction and brainwashing of a minor,
etc. are all punishable under the law.

Thus, what Indonesia can learn is the French principles of religious
liberty and supremacy of the law. Inter and intra-religious problems
should be first and foremost solved by the religious groups
themselves, whereas the state only interferes so long as it is aimed
to ensure the liberty of all religions and all parties involved, and
to ensure that no particular group harms other groups or endangers
public order, the criteria of which shall be governed by the law.

The writer is a lecturer at Syarif Hidayatullah State Islamic
University, a Ph.D candidate in History at the University of Hawaii at
Manoa, and a fellow at the East-West Center. He can be reached at
[EMAIL PROTECTED] 




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