http://www.thejakartapost.com/detaileditorial.asp?fileid=20080103.W17&irec=14


Nine years on: Where is our democracy? 

Franz Magnis-Suseno SJ, Jakarta

Defying many pessimistic predictions, Indonesia, fourth biggest country and the 
country with the biggest number of Muslims in the world, is a thriving 
democracy. 

But why is it that the deserved "hurrah!" doesn't easily cross our lips? 
Probably because we realize only too well that more than nine year after the 
fall of the New Order, Indonesia's democracy still faces big problems. Let me 
name some of the most obvious ones: 

* Political parties are very weak. They have no programs, most are focused on 
certain people or have a purely ideological identity; they all live only on 
primordial solidarity. 

* Indonesia lacks a culture of democratic dissent; this endangers the stability 
of political parties and makes stable political alliances difficult. 

* The system of elections, especially the so-called electoral threshold, is 
absolutely irrational. 

* After several amendments our constitutional system has become an unhappy 
mixture between a presidential and a parliamentarian one. 

* In contrast to national general elections, regional and local elections are 
prone to manipulation and ensuing conflicts. 

* Most dangerously: Our present democratic system is threatened by corruption 
of its political class, by what people call "money politics". 

This list also demonstrates something: Namely that, contrary to "popular 
wisdom" in some Western media, Islam is not the problem. All the mentioned 
problems have nothing to do with religion. They stem from the still uncertain 
social, political and economic conditions of Indonesia. 

No doubt, there are religious fundamentalists totally opposed to democracy. 
Such as the writer of an SMS published in this newspaper (Nov. 6, 2007): "Why 
does the MUI remain silent when our country is now under the satanic system -- 
democracy?" 

And there are groups like Hizbuth Tahrir which explicitly reject democracy as 
something alien and not in correspondence with Islam (HT is said to be winning 
a growing number of followers among the students of the big secular state 
universities like University of Indonesia, Bandung Institute of Technology and 
Gadjah Mada University in Yogyakarta, a distinctly worrying development). 

But how representative are these voices? Not only has the overwhelming majority 
of Indonesian Muslim intellectuals consistently and uninterruptedly supported 
democracy since independence, but 80 years ago the founding fathers already 
voiced the opinion that a free Indonesia would have to be democratic and that 
Indonesians could develop democratic attitudes from their traditional values. 

After independence it was the modernistic Islamic party Masyumi which was the 
strongest supporter of Western democracy (opposition to "Western democracy" 
came then from the Java-based parties, the nationalists, the Nahdlatul Ulama 
and the communists). 

Now Indonesia has a national consensus on democracy such as it never had 
before. There is, now, not a single politically relevant group opposing 
democracy. Even the Salafist Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) credibly insists 
that it embraces our democratic system. 

Thus there is no empirical base for seeing in Indonesian Islam a potential 
threat to democracy. But this does not mean that everything is okay. There are 
some worrying developments. One is the creeping introduction of sharia 
ordinances at local and district levels, obviously with considerable grassroots 
support. By forcing uniform, religiously legitimated behavior on people they 
foster fanaticism, intolerance and unrest. Not at all good for democracy. 

Then there are these attacks by extremist mobs on so-called deviant or 
sectarian Islamic groups such as Achmadiah or, not long ago, al-Qiyadah. 
Especially worrying is that the police do not protect their followers from 
violence. Worrying is also that police can use the fatwa of a religious body as 
legitimation for taking people into custody. And it is unsettling when a 
president seems to regard this as a normal thing. 

And of course, acts of intolerance against religious minorities go on almost 
unabated. Threats and attacks on Christian churches go on unremittingly up to 
this day. Worrying in this connection is a clear correlation between intensity 
of religious identification and intolerance. 

In general, Indonesian people, Muslims and others, are very tolerant. This also 
shows in the fact that up to now religiously affiliated political parties have 
never received the majority in democratic elections. And there are certainly 
many clerics and theologians of all religions that demonstrate tolerance, 
pluralism and friendliness toward other religious faiths. But they are the 
minority. 

In general, in my observation, the more intensively people publicly display 
their religious identity, the more they will speak about other religions, or 
deviant branches of their own religion, in an aggressive and threatening, even 
hateful way. As if, the more religious people become, the more they become 
intolerant, anti-pluralistic and violence prone. 

These attitudes are sins against the democratic spirit. Violence is always 
against the democratic spirit and all groups legitimizing the use of violence 
are inherently anti-democratic. Violence, threats, intimidation also represent 
a sin against the principle of the rule of law, which is one of the basic 
principles of democracy. 

If the state continues to take a cavalier attitude toward intimidation and 
violence against minorities, it undermines its own authority and endangers 
democracy. Democracy can only flourish on the basis of the rule of law, namely 
a law that is internally legitimate because it respects and safeguards human 
rights; including freedom of religion and religious worship. 

So where will Indonesia go? Will her young democracy be slowly eaten up from 
the inside by growing intolerance and violence? 

There are signs that the big mainstream Muslim organizations in Indonesia are 
beginning to regard extremism and fundamentalism as a danger. Since last year 
Pancasila talk is again on the agenda. The real challenge is whether Indonesia 
can provide every Indonesian with an economic and human perspective for the 
future. And this depends on, among other factors, whether Indonesia will rein 
in its corruption, which has run wild. 

But it also depends on whether the Indonesian state has the political will to 
enforce its own constitution and laws, thus whether Indonesian leaders have the 
guts to enforce the rule of law. 

The prevailing wimpy attitude of the government if confronted by religiously 
motivated masses that threaten citizens of other religious convictions is 
undermining both the rule of law and the endeavor to create a general climate 
of civilized behavior. Not in vain Pancasila proclaims "just and civilized 
humanism" as its second principle. 

Thus the greatest threat to the future of democracy in Indonesia lies in the 
weak, compromising attitude of the government toward certain types of violence 
in the country. And this, again, points to the biggest problem of this country: 
the growing moral corruption of its political class. 

The writer, a Jesuit priest, teaches philosophy at Driyarkara School of 
Philosophy in Jakarta.


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