-------------------------
Via Workers World News Service
Reprinted from the Dec. 19, 2002
issue of Workers World newspaper
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BIG OIL IS BEHIND IT: CLASS STRUGGLE DEEPENS IN VENEZUELA

By Gloria La Riva

In July 2001, marching with thousands of supporters of Venezuelan 
president Hugo Chavez through the streets of Caracas, it was clear to 
this writer that the workers and poor ardently backed his Bolivarian 
revolution.

It is called Bolivarian after the great fighter, Simon Bolivar, who 
rallied Latin America against Spanish colonialism. It is called a 
revolution because the struggle is against a wealthy class that has bled 
the country dry and left 80 percent of the population in poverty.

Today the political struggle in Venezuela has reached a critical stage, 
with counter-revolutionary forces targeting the country's oil industry 
in an attempt to overthrow the government of Hugo Chavez.

Hour by hour the struggle is more acute and the class lines sharply 
drawn. Workers and the poorest of the population have been filling the 
streets to reject a "strike" called on Dec. 2 by oil executives, the 
Venezuelan business group Fedecameras, and reactionary leaders of the 
Venezuelan Workers Federation (CTV). Carlos Ortega, CTV secretary 
general, is betraying the interests of the working class by openly 
collaborating with corporate executives trying to overthrow Chavez.

Thousands of "Chavistas" backing the Venezuelan president surrounded 
television, newspaper and radio stations that have been egging on the 
oil stoppage. The "strike" is not a mass workers' action but more an act 
of sabotage against the country's most important source of revenue.

On Dec. 10, Ali Rodriguez, head of the state oil firm PDVSA and a Chavez 
supporter, warned that the country faced a $6-billion charge if oil 
exports are delayed in December. Chavez has had to threaten a wider use 
of the military to take over the beleaguered oil operations.

Since the first day of the Chavez administration, the U.S. government 
and ruling class have brought external pressure to bear on Venezuela, 
similar to the destabilization campaign they led after 1970 against the 
Chilean government of Salvador Allende, who was also popularly elected.

Allende, a socialist, had nationalized the copper industry in Chile, 
which was then controlled by U.S. copper giants Anaconda and Phelps 
Dodge, as well as the communications conglomerate ITT, among others. 
This act unleashed the fury of the U.S. government, headed at that time 
by Richard Nixon. He and Secretary of State Henry Kissinger conspired to 
prevent a new revolutionary process from succeeding in Latin America.

With an economic embargo imposed on Chile by the United States, and 
large sections of the middle class mobilized against the progressive 
reforms, the CIA prepared for a coup. On the fateful day of Sept. 11, 
1973, the Chilean military, headed by Gen. Augusto Pinochet, launched a 
fascist coup that resulted in the murder of over 20,000 young students, 
workers and peasants. A rein of terror was ushered in whose effects are 
still felt in Chile.

'STRIKE' ORCHESTRATED IN WASHINGTON?

A similar scenario is now being attempted against Venezuela. The behind-
the-scenes U.S. role in the April 11 attempted overthrow of Chavez was 
evident in the days after his return to office.

The current "strike" is the latest offensive undoubtedly orchestrated in 
Washington.

Venezuela is currently the fourth-largest supplier of oil to the U.S. 
The reactionary U.S. government, acting for big oil, seeks control of 
all the world's oil and gas sources. It sees independent economic 
cooperation among Latin American countries as a threat. In particular, 
Venezuela's economic agreements with revolutionary Cuba, including oil, 
have raised Washington's ire.

While the Bush administration wants to see the Chavez government ousted, 
it is also aware that the latest right-wing actions may set off a chain 
of events it could lose control of.

Losing command of the very turmoil it has unleashed may be the reason 
certain voices in the ruling class are calling for a "diplomatic" or 
electoral solution, similar to the way the Nicaraguan Sandinista 
government was ousted through imperialist intervention in the 1991 
elections.

The U.S. is mindful that the April 11 fascist coup against Chavez was 
frustrated by the heroic intervention of tens of thousands of people, 
who restored him to office. Their spontaneous mobilization to return 
Chavez to the presidency was unprecedented and gave the masses an 
understanding of their own power.

However, the U.S. tactics may change at a moment's notice. If the right 
wing were defeated and revolutionary power further consolidated, there 
is a very real danger of U.S. military intervention. Already the U.S. is 
pumping billions in military aid into neighboring Colombia to try to 
smash the guerrilla struggle there.

So far, Hugo Chavez has strongly rejected the counter-revolution's 
demand for an early referendum in February on his presidency. At first 
the right-wing opposition demanded a non-binding February referendum on 
his rule, but it has escalated its demand to a binding vote.

Since his election by an overwhelming majority, the Chavez government 
has instituted many progressive economic and social measures, including 
land reform, improved health, housing, education and a new pro-worker 
constitution. His administration has struggled to empower the people 
through the setting up of defense groups called Bolivarian social 
circles. A new labor formation, the Fuerza Bolivariana de Trabajadores, 
has arisen.

Latin America is witnessing a continent-wide revival of popular 
struggles against economic destitution brought on by neoliberal policies 
and repression dictated by imperialism. From Brazil to Ecuador to 
Argentina, action is accompanying a rising consciousness. The Bolivarian 
revolutionary struggle in Venezuela is part of that great wave of 
change.

- END -

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