Please cull out the data mentioned in the article for advocacy in the
Courts. These data may prove very handy for taking up discrimination
of disabled candidates in  the appointment across the universities.

http://www.epw.in/journal/2016/6/commentary/discrimination-campuses-higher-learning.html

Vivek Kumar ([email protected]) teaches at the Centre for the
Study of Social Systems/School of Social Sciences, Jawaharlal Nehru
University, New Delhi.





We need to understand the many-headed nature of discrimination
prevailing on the campuses of higher education in India. This article
argues that discrimination, exclusion and humiliation in campuses can
be expressed at different levels: in appointments, admission of
students, content of curricula of the Social Sciences and Humanities,
the way teachers and Dalit students interact, and how upper caste
students interact with their Dalit counterparts. The article is based
on the narratives of Dalit students and teachers collected purposively
from different universities across the country.




Rohith Vemula’s suicide in Hydera-bad Central University has raised
some very important issues regarding the environment prevailing on the
campuses of higher education. We need to ask whether universities have
become democratic and inclusive in their ethos. Are they
representative in their composition? Is there diversity in the
appointment of the heads of the institutions—vice chancellors and
directors? Is there diversity in appointing teachers—professors,
associate professors, assistant professors and university employees
(officers and clerks)? Do the admissions of students represent
diversity? It is important to analyse all this because if all of
them—heads of institutions, teachers and students—come from the same
social background with their own cultural baggage, then there will be
no caste-based discrimination and exclusion on the campuses of higher
learning. However, if the composition comprises a minority of actors
with a stigmatised natural identity, then discrimination and exclusion
are bound to occur.

In this context, by mere observation we can argue that these
institutions are not yet inclusive, and hence not democratic. For
instance, out of 46 central universities and one open central
university only one vice chancellor belongs to the Scheduled Tribe
(ST). In Madhya Pradesh, out of 19 universities there is one Scheduled
Caste (SC) vice chancellor and in Uttar Pradesh in 25 state
universities there is no one from the SC category. These examples are
sufficient to bring home the point that these universities are not
inclusive. In the same vein, according to information obtained through
the Right to Information (RTI) Act, the University Grants Commission
(UGC) revealed that till 2009–10, out of 1,688 sanctioned professors
and 3,298 associate professor posts there were only 24 professors and
90 associate professors in 24 central universities from the SC
category. In percentage terms, it is 2.73% and 4.4%, respectively,
vis-à-vis the constitutionally mandated 15% of reservation for SCs.

The exclusive character of higher education comes out all the more
when we discern that only 13.5% and 4% of the students in higher
education belong to the SC and ST categories, respectively. That
proves the point that our higher education systems lack diversity. Do
we not need a social audit and roster for the appointment of heads of
such institutions?

Subtle and Disguised

A number of teachers and students cutting across disciplines who
belong to the Dalit community and are teaching and studying in
different universities and colleges say that a very different kind of
social exclusion, discrimination and humiliation exists on the
campuses of higher education in India.

Discrimination crops up many a time in its ancient and crude form of
caste discrimination such as not sharing a room (hostel rooms for
Dalit students and staff rooms for Dalit teachers), not sitting at the
same dining table or drinking water from the same tap used by Dalits.
New forms of discrimination have been added such as upper caste hostel
mates not allowing Dalit students to put up posters of their icons in
the hostel rooms, discrepancies in grades of Dalit students when
graded by upper caste teachers, professors and university employees
not signing scholarship forms of Dalit students, and Dalit student
names being displayed with their categories.

Yet, most of the time discrimination and humiliation is very subtle
and sophisticated. It is disguised in the ornamental and metaphorical
language used, body gestures, and in the garb of implementing
objective institutional rules. It is the individual experience—each
being so different and unique that it is difficult to develop a
typology. However, we can still evolve a typology on the basis of
similarities and repetitive experiences of Dalits on campuses.

For instance, a number of students have revealed with pain that they
are referred as sarkari damads (government’s sons-in-law) or sarkari
Brahmins (government Brahmins) by upper caste students in different
universities. On IIT campuses, Dalit students are named as Saddus (an
epithet derived from the term Scheduled Castes and Tribes) or Cata
students (derived from SC and ST as a separate category). In Delhi
colleges, Dalit girls with deep anxiety have spoken about how they are
ridiculed by the question “Quote se aye ho ya kothe se” (Have you come
via reservation quota or brothel?)

In the same vein, another set of Dalit students, from different
universities across the nation, have complained that they have been
denied a PhD or MPhil supervisor for months together. Or that their
upper caste supervisor did not allow them to pursue research on a
particular theme. Or that their supervisor forced them to change their
PhD research topic after they had worked on it for two or three years.
Or that the supervisor delayed returning the thesis chapters with
comments, or that supervisors did not send the thesis for evaluation
to external examiners or the students were awarded the PhD degree
three or four years after final submission of the PhD thesis. (I met
two students: one from IIT Delhi who was awarded a PhD degree in
mechanical engineering 12 years after submission of his thesis;
another student from the Centre for Biotechnology, Jawaharlal Nehru
University, New Delhi who was awarded his PhD eight years after
submission.)

Along with this kind of discrimination against Dalit students in the
Science disciplines, where experiments are a part of the curriculum,
students have complained of delay in the allotment of supervisors and,
hence labs. In some cases the lab was allotted only during office
hours (that is, between 10 am and 5 pm) and a progress report was
asked on a daily basis, though usually a progress report is asked at
the end of the semester. If they get a lab they may not get the
teacher’s help in the supply of relevant reagents and compounds to
perform experiments. Even if they get all this they may not get the
attention or help of the professors who can instil in them the
confidence that their experiment is in the right direction. Many upper
caste supervisors do not include their names in research papers—to be
presented in a seminar or to be published in a journal by a Dalit
student (a standard practice in Science is that student researchers
use the name of supervisors in their papers as they are working under
him (her) and in his (her) lab). Further, Dalit students have
complained that their supervisors or teachers refuse to give them
recommendation when they apply for a scholarship or a job. At least a
dozen of Dalit postdoctoral fellows (PDFs) working in different
universities and research institutes in the US, from Yale to MIT, have
shared with me how badly they were treated in India as PDFs which
forced them to leave the country.

Sometimes, a loud voice or the aggressive body gesture of a Dalit
student may also be considered as disrespect and indiscipline by an
upper caste teacher. Teachers are not patient enough to locate these
gestures within the contextual social background of the students.
Instead, they hold the students as indisciplined, discourteous and
arrogant. Further, good English is equated with disciplinary
knowledge, a questionable preposition. There is no room for less
bookish knowledge mixed with experiential knowledge, which is
articulated in broken and grammatically incorrect English to be also
termed as knowledge. Are teachers, in general, sensitive enough to
evaluate a loud and aggressive Dalit student with his experiential
knowledge and speaking in broken English and treat him/her at par with
the average general caste student? I know most of the teachers will
reject this idea on the pretext of objectivity. I do not rule out a
few sympathetic teachers who may accept the idea but that amounts to
patronage and is not a systemic act or decision. That is only by
default and not by design.

In a dispute between a Dalit and upper caste students the Delhi High
Court has highlighted the deeply entrenched caste prejudice among the
authorities of a central university, including the vice chancellor of
the university, against the Dalit student in no uncertain terms. The
judge observed,

…it is clear that the impugned order is unsupportable in law; it is
arbitrary …I cannot help in commenting the utterly indefensible
conduct of the University which shows it in poor light…the defences
put forth, by it, of an enquiry against someone likely to be
irreversible prejudiced by its action …is disquieting at this point.
Such a stand perhaps would have been considered proper in medieval
times where the writ of a monarch could run unquestioned and his
authority, accountable to none. That [a] Vice-Chancellor of the
University has chosen to support such a stand and apparently “applied
his mind” is alarming to say the least…Almost half a century ago, in
another context, the Supreme Court articulated the goal of the
Constitution of [a] social equity and caste less society … Sadly, the
stark reality of caste prejudice has been highlighted in this case.
The [University], consistent with its mandate of promoting modern
education and secular values, unfortunately displayed rank
insensitivity. There is no more justice where the victim and the
oppressor are treated alike, as were the lion and the lamb afforded
the same treatment. That (University) has done so, betrays its
callousness, to say the least. (In the High Court of Delhi at New
Delhi; WP(C) 4980/2007, Pronounced on 28 November 2007.)

Now many of these experiences are so personal, unique and told from
one side that we cannot substantiate their authenticity as fact.
However, the repetitiveness of the events gives us a trend and a
pattern. Therefore one is forced to ask, why is it happening only with
Dalit students?

Inbuilt in the Structure

Besides, discrimination, exclusion and humiliation are inbuilt in the
structure of curriculum and pedagogy, that is, the way the curriculum
is framed and the way it is taught. This is more applicable to the
Social Sciences and Humanities. In such disciplines, there is almost a
total domination by upper-caste values, norms, institutions, icons,
social, political and Bhakti movements, political parties and
movements. In turn, Dalits, Adivasis, minorities and women are
excluded from discussion. There is a virtual cognitive blackout of
Dalit icons, their social movements, contributions through labour,
norms and values, and their political parties. Even if a few of them
have found the space they needed, they suffered stigmatisation, and
their stories never get discussed in the classrooms independently on
their own. For instance, Ambedkar will never be taught independently.
Either he is taught in reference to Gandhi or reduced only to a Dalit
messiah. Why can we not teach him as an independent social thinker who
contributed to diverse spheres of life—nation building, constitution
builder, educationist, economist, protector of women’s rights, etc?
Even if a few topics around these themes are included they are seldom
asked in exams, and, if asked, they are only optional questions. Hence
it is only pseudo inclusivity that we see or for name’s sake.

Assertion and Consciousness

Activist and assertive Dalit students have lamented that university
authorities, professors and students belonging to the general
categories do not appreciate them making independent assertions and
demands for self-representation. Dalit youth assertion, however, can
be directly traced back to the 1970s Dalit Panthers and the Namantar
movement in Maharashtra (for changing the name of Marathwada
University to Ambedkar University). But Dalit students remained
associated and are still in many universities associated with left and
progressive student associations. However, after the emergence of the
Bahujan movement—BAMCEF, DS4 and the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) led by
Kanshi Ram in the 1980s—there developed a renewed sense of assertion
among Dalit youth at the pan-India level. Kanshi Ram gave more teeth
and sharpness to the Dalit assertion by establishing a new
iconography. To name just a few this included Buddha, Sant Ravidas,
Sant Kabir, Daadu, Jotiba Phule, Narayana Guru, Chhatrapati Shahu
Maharaj of Kolhapur, E V Ramasamy Naicker (Periyar), Babasaheb
Ambedkar, Savitribai Phule, Uda Devi Pasi, Maharaja Bijli Pasi and
Jhalkari Bai Kori.

From the 1990s onwards the BSP has come to power in Uttar Pradesh a
number of times (though except for once only for small periods), and
had become a national political party. The whole process instilled
among Bahujan youth a high level of confidence. However, when these
youth entered the universities they did not find their icons in their
Social Science or Humanities curricula. But the consciousness of their
icons did not fade away. Hence, they started celebrating and
commemorating their birth and death anniversaries on the campuses. So,
where till the other day we could see posters only of Gandhi, Nehru,
Tagore, Vivekananda, Marx, Lenin, Azad and Bhagat Singh, etc, on the
university walls, now Ambedkar, Phule, Periyar and others have also
started appearing on the university walls. This has not been
appreciated by the members of the general castes in the universities.
But they cannot stop them directly. So many Dalit students say that
“their anger comes to the fore in denial of permission to Dalit
students to hold public meetings on the death and birth anniversaries
of their icons.”

In one of the IITs, students told me that Dalit students are so afraid
to be identified as politically conscious that they do not participate
in Babasaheb Ambedkar’s birth anniversary, 14 April, programme
organised by the authorities. In one central university, teachers told
me that when they participated in a programme on E V Ramasamy Naicker
(Periyar) organised by Dalit students of the campus, the vice
chancellor of the university instituted an inquiry against them.

Assertive Dalit students who want to lead an independent ideological
path do not have any political patronage in comparison with their
upper caste counterparts. Most of the national and state political
parties like the Congress and BJP, led and dominated by upper castes,
have their student wings. The National Students Union of India, Akhil
Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad, Students Federation of India, All India
Students Federation, All India Students Association to name just a
few, are student organisations which have a substantial presence in
different university campuses. These student organisations get
patronage from their parent organisations. Their party functionaries
are either in government or in Parliament and provide full protection
to the student members of their organisation. They provide ideological
and many a time financial support to the student organisations to run
their affairs both at the national and state levels. In comparison,
the independent Dalit students’ organisations have to do everything on
their own—from framing their ideology and programmes, to fighting
against injustice on the campus. It is they who are at the forefront
in doing all the celebrations and deliberations on behalf of Dalit
students. And hence they are easy targets.

White Paper on Universities

Under these circumstances, the government of the day should bring out
a White Paper on some 472 institutions of higher education—47 central
universities (including one open university), 13 state open
universities, 290 state universities, 38 deemed universities and 73
institutes of national importance. The paper should highlight the
composition of the institutions—in heads of the institutions and
representation of teachers, officers, and students belonging to
different caste and communities. Above all, the paper should highlight
the content of different Social Sciences and Humanities curricula. The
paper should analyse whether or not our universities have become
representative. Have they become inclusive of caste, communities and
gender or have they been monopolised by one religion and by dominant
castes? If they have not become inclusive, then we can evolve certain
mechanisms to make them more representative. Otherwise we will not be
able to offer social justice to our excluded communities. This will
lead to more confrontation and conflict on the campuses of higher
learnings.

The second issue that should be highlighted in the White Paper is
whether the SC/ST commissions, SCs and STs (Prevention of Atrocities)
Act 1989 (amended in 2015), the Protection of Civil Rights Act 1955
and the UGC regulations are effective enough to deal with such cases.
What expertise do SC and ST commissions have to capture the exclusion
and discrimination prevailing on the campuses, specifically in the
light of the sophisticated and subtle nature in which they express
themselves? Do we need new methods, or mechanisms to capture or
measure and analyse the intensity and enormity of social exclusion and
humiliation prevailing on the campuses of higher and professional
educational learnings?



-- 
Avinash Shahi
Doctoral student at Centre for Law and Governance JNU


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