avinash, where is the data on disability? Umesha
On 2/6/16, avinash shahi <[email protected]> wrote: > Please cull out the data mentioned in the article for advocacy in the > Courts. These data may prove very handy for taking up discrimination > of disabled candidates in the appointment across the universities. > > http://www.epw.in/journal/2016/6/commentary/discrimination-campuses-higher-learning.html > > Vivek Kumar ([email protected]) teaches at the Centre for the > Study of Social Systems/School of Social Sciences, Jawaharlal Nehru > University, New Delhi. > > > > > > We need to understand the many-headed nature of discrimination > prevailing on the campuses of higher education in India. This article > argues that discrimination, exclusion and humiliation in campuses can > be expressed at different levels: in appointments, admission of > students, content of curricula of the Social Sciences and Humanities, > the way teachers and Dalit students interact, and how upper caste > students interact with their Dalit counterparts. The article is based > on the narratives of Dalit students and teachers collected purposively > from different universities across the country. > > > > > Rohith Vemula’s suicide in Hydera-bad Central University has raised > some very important issues regarding the environment prevailing on the > campuses of higher education. We need to ask whether universities have > become democratic and inclusive in their ethos. Are they > representative in their composition? Is there diversity in the > appointment of the heads of the institutions—vice chancellors and > directors? Is there diversity in appointing teachers—professors, > associate professors, assistant professors and university employees > (officers and clerks)? Do the admissions of students represent > diversity? It is important to analyse all this because if all of > them—heads of institutions, teachers and students—come from the same > social background with their own cultural baggage, then there will be > no caste-based discrimination and exclusion on the campuses of higher > learning. However, if the composition comprises a minority of actors > with a stigmatised natural identity, then discrimination and exclusion > are bound to occur. > > In this context, by mere observation we can argue that these > institutions are not yet inclusive, and hence not democratic. For > instance, out of 46 central universities and one open central > university only one vice chancellor belongs to the Scheduled Tribe > (ST). In Madhya Pradesh, out of 19 universities there is one Scheduled > Caste (SC) vice chancellor and in Uttar Pradesh in 25 state > universities there is no one from the SC category. These examples are > sufficient to bring home the point that these universities are not > inclusive. In the same vein, according to information obtained through > the Right to Information (RTI) Act, the University Grants Commission > (UGC) revealed that till 2009–10, out of 1,688 sanctioned professors > and 3,298 associate professor posts there were only 24 professors and > 90 associate professors in 24 central universities from the SC > category. In percentage terms, it is 2.73% and 4.4%, respectively, > vis-à-vis the constitutionally mandated 15% of reservation for SCs. > > The exclusive character of higher education comes out all the more > when we discern that only 13.5% and 4% of the students in higher > education belong to the SC and ST categories, respectively. That > proves the point that our higher education systems lack diversity. Do > we not need a social audit and roster for the appointment of heads of > such institutions? > > Subtle and Disguised > > A number of teachers and students cutting across disciplines who > belong to the Dalit community and are teaching and studying in > different universities and colleges say that a very different kind of > social exclusion, discrimination and humiliation exists on the > campuses of higher education in India. > > Discrimination crops up many a time in its ancient and crude form of > caste discrimination such as not sharing a room (hostel rooms for > Dalit students and staff rooms for Dalit teachers), not sitting at the > same dining table or drinking water from the same tap used by Dalits. > New forms of discrimination have been added such as upper caste hostel > mates not allowing Dalit students to put up posters of their icons in > the hostel rooms, discrepancies in grades of Dalit students when > graded by upper caste teachers, professors and university employees > not signing scholarship forms of Dalit students, and Dalit student > names being displayed with their categories. > > Yet, most of the time discrimination and humiliation is very subtle > and sophisticated. It is disguised in the ornamental and metaphorical > language used, body gestures, and in the garb of implementing > objective institutional rules. It is the individual experience—each > being so different and unique that it is difficult to develop a > typology. However, we can still evolve a typology on the basis of > similarities and repetitive experiences of Dalits on campuses. > > For instance, a number of students have revealed with pain that they > are referred as sarkari damads (government’s sons-in-law) or sarkari > Brahmins (government Brahmins) by upper caste students in different > universities. On IIT campuses, Dalit students are named as Saddus (an > epithet derived from the term Scheduled Castes and Tribes) or Cata > students (derived from SC and ST as a separate category). In Delhi > colleges, Dalit girls with deep anxiety have spoken about how they are > ridiculed by the question “Quote se aye ho ya kothe se” (Have you come > via reservation quota or brothel?) > > In the same vein, another set of Dalit students, from different > universities across the nation, have complained that they have been > denied a PhD or MPhil supervisor for months together. Or that their > upper caste supervisor did not allow them to pursue research on a > particular theme. Or that their supervisor forced them to change their > PhD research topic after they had worked on it for two or three years. > Or that the supervisor delayed returning the thesis chapters with > comments, or that supervisors did not send the thesis for evaluation > to external examiners or the students were awarded the PhD degree > three or four years after final submission of the PhD thesis. (I met > two students: one from IIT Delhi who was awarded a PhD degree in > mechanical engineering 12 years after submission of his thesis; > another student from the Centre for Biotechnology, Jawaharlal Nehru > University, New Delhi who was awarded his PhD eight years after > submission.) > > Along with this kind of discrimination against Dalit students in the > Science disciplines, where experiments are a part of the curriculum, > students have complained of delay in the allotment of supervisors and, > hence labs. In some cases the lab was allotted only during office > hours (that is, between 10 am and 5 pm) and a progress report was > asked on a daily basis, though usually a progress report is asked at > the end of the semester. If they get a lab they may not get the > teacher’s help in the supply of relevant reagents and compounds to > perform experiments. Even if they get all this they may not get the > attention or help of the professors who can instil in them the > confidence that their experiment is in the right direction. Many upper > caste supervisors do not include their names in research papers—to be > presented in a seminar or to be published in a journal by a Dalit > student (a standard practice in Science is that student researchers > use the name of supervisors in their papers as they are working under > him (her) and in his (her) lab). Further, Dalit students have > complained that their supervisors or teachers refuse to give them > recommendation when they apply for a scholarship or a job. At least a > dozen of Dalit postdoctoral fellows (PDFs) working in different > universities and research institutes in the US, from Yale to MIT, have > shared with me how badly they were treated in India as PDFs which > forced them to leave the country. > > Sometimes, a loud voice or the aggressive body gesture of a Dalit > student may also be considered as disrespect and indiscipline by an > upper caste teacher. Teachers are not patient enough to locate these > gestures within the contextual social background of the students. > Instead, they hold the students as indisciplined, discourteous and > arrogant. Further, good English is equated with disciplinary > knowledge, a questionable preposition. There is no room for less > bookish knowledge mixed with experiential knowledge, which is > articulated in broken and grammatically incorrect English to be also > termed as knowledge. Are teachers, in general, sensitive enough to > evaluate a loud and aggressive Dalit student with his experiential > knowledge and speaking in broken English and treat him/her at par with > the average general caste student? I know most of the teachers will > reject this idea on the pretext of objectivity. I do not rule out a > few sympathetic teachers who may accept the idea but that amounts to > patronage and is not a systemic act or decision. That is only by > default and not by design. > > In a dispute between a Dalit and upper caste students the Delhi High > Court has highlighted the deeply entrenched caste prejudice among the > authorities of a central university, including the vice chancellor of > the university, against the Dalit student in no uncertain terms. The > judge observed, > > …it is clear that the impugned order is unsupportable in law; it is > arbitrary …I cannot help in commenting the utterly indefensible > conduct of the University which shows it in poor light…the defences > put forth, by it, of an enquiry against someone likely to be > irreversible prejudiced by its action …is disquieting at this point. > Such a stand perhaps would have been considered proper in medieval > times where the writ of a monarch could run unquestioned and his > authority, accountable to none. That [a] Vice-Chancellor of the > University has chosen to support such a stand and apparently “applied > his mind” is alarming to say the least…Almost half a century ago, in > another context, the Supreme Court articulated the goal of the > Constitution of [a] social equity and caste less society … Sadly, the > stark reality of caste prejudice has been highlighted in this case. > The [University], consistent with its mandate of promoting modern > education and secular values, unfortunately displayed rank > insensitivity. There is no more justice where the victim and the > oppressor are treated alike, as were the lion and the lamb afforded > the same treatment. That (University) has done so, betrays its > callousness, to say the least. (In the High Court of Delhi at New > Delhi; WP(C) 4980/2007, Pronounced on 28 November 2007.) > > Now many of these experiences are so personal, unique and told from > one side that we cannot substantiate their authenticity as fact. > However, the repetitiveness of the events gives us a trend and a > pattern. Therefore one is forced to ask, why is it happening only with > Dalit students? > > Inbuilt in the Structure > > Besides, discrimination, exclusion and humiliation are inbuilt in the > structure of curriculum and pedagogy, that is, the way the curriculum > is framed and the way it is taught. This is more applicable to the > Social Sciences and Humanities. In such disciplines, there is almost a > total domination by upper-caste values, norms, institutions, icons, > social, political and Bhakti movements, political parties and > movements. In turn, Dalits, Adivasis, minorities and women are > excluded from discussion. There is a virtual cognitive blackout of > Dalit icons, their social movements, contributions through labour, > norms and values, and their political parties. Even if a few of them > have found the space they needed, they suffered stigmatisation, and > their stories never get discussed in the classrooms independently on > their own. For instance, Ambedkar will never be taught independently. > Either he is taught in reference to Gandhi or reduced only to a Dalit > messiah. Why can we not teach him as an independent social thinker who > contributed to diverse spheres of life—nation building, constitution > builder, educationist, economist, protector of women’s rights, etc? > Even if a few topics around these themes are included they are seldom > asked in exams, and, if asked, they are only optional questions. Hence > it is only pseudo inclusivity that we see or for name’s sake. > > Assertion and Consciousness > > Activist and assertive Dalit students have lamented that university > authorities, professors and students belonging to the general > categories do not appreciate them making independent assertions and > demands for self-representation. Dalit youth assertion, however, can > be directly traced back to the 1970s Dalit Panthers and the Namantar > movement in Maharashtra (for changing the name of Marathwada > University to Ambedkar University). But Dalit students remained > associated and are still in many universities associated with left and > progressive student associations. However, after the emergence of the > Bahujan movement—BAMCEF, DS4 and the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) led by > Kanshi Ram in the 1980s—there developed a renewed sense of assertion > among Dalit youth at the pan-India level. Kanshi Ram gave more teeth > and sharpness to the Dalit assertion by establishing a new > iconography. To name just a few this included Buddha, Sant Ravidas, > Sant Kabir, Daadu, Jotiba Phule, Narayana Guru, Chhatrapati Shahu > Maharaj of Kolhapur, E V Ramasamy Naicker (Periyar), Babasaheb > Ambedkar, Savitribai Phule, Uda Devi Pasi, Maharaja Bijli Pasi and > Jhalkari Bai Kori. > > From the 1990s onwards the BSP has come to power in Uttar Pradesh a > number of times (though except for once only for small periods), and > had become a national political party. The whole process instilled > among Bahujan youth a high level of confidence. However, when these > youth entered the universities they did not find their icons in their > Social Science or Humanities curricula. But the consciousness of their > icons did not fade away. Hence, they started celebrating and > commemorating their birth and death anniversaries on the campuses. So, > where till the other day we could see posters only of Gandhi, Nehru, > Tagore, Vivekananda, Marx, Lenin, Azad and Bhagat Singh, etc, on the > university walls, now Ambedkar, Phule, Periyar and others have also > started appearing on the university walls. This has not been > appreciated by the members of the general castes in the universities. > But they cannot stop them directly. So many Dalit students say that > “their anger comes to the fore in denial of permission to Dalit > students to hold public meetings on the death and birth anniversaries > of their icons.” > > In one of the IITs, students told me that Dalit students are so afraid > to be identified as politically conscious that they do not participate > in Babasaheb Ambedkar’s birth anniversary, 14 April, programme > organised by the authorities. In one central university, teachers told > me that when they participated in a programme on E V Ramasamy Naicker > (Periyar) organised by Dalit students of the campus, the vice > chancellor of the university instituted an inquiry against them. > > Assertive Dalit students who want to lead an independent ideological > path do not have any political patronage in comparison with their > upper caste counterparts. Most of the national and state political > parties like the Congress and BJP, led and dominated by upper castes, > have their student wings. The National Students Union of India, Akhil > Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad, Students Federation of India, All India > Students Federation, All India Students Association to name just a > few, are student organisations which have a substantial presence in > different university campuses. These student organisations get > patronage from their parent organisations. Their party functionaries > are either in government or in Parliament and provide full protection > to the student members of their organisation. They provide ideological > and many a time financial support to the student organisations to run > their affairs both at the national and state levels. In comparison, > the independent Dalit students’ organisations have to do everything on > their own—from framing their ideology and programmes, to fighting > against injustice on the campus. It is they who are at the forefront > in doing all the celebrations and deliberations on behalf of Dalit > students. And hence they are easy targets. > > White Paper on Universities > > Under these circumstances, the government of the day should bring out > a White Paper on some 472 institutions of higher education—47 central > universities (including one open university), 13 state open > universities, 290 state universities, 38 deemed universities and 73 > institutes of national importance. The paper should highlight the > composition of the institutions—in heads of the institutions and > representation of teachers, officers, and students belonging to > different caste and communities. Above all, the paper should highlight > the content of different Social Sciences and Humanities curricula. The > paper should analyse whether or not our universities have become > representative. Have they become inclusive of caste, communities and > gender or have they been monopolised by one religion and by dominant > castes? If they have not become inclusive, then we can evolve certain > mechanisms to make them more representative. Otherwise we will not be > able to offer social justice to our excluded communities. This will > lead to more confrontation and conflict on the campuses of higher > learnings. > > The second issue that should be highlighted in the White Paper is > whether the SC/ST commissions, SCs and STs (Prevention of Atrocities) > Act 1989 (amended in 2015), the Protection of Civil Rights Act 1955 > and the UGC regulations are effective enough to deal with such cases. > What expertise do SC and ST commissions have to capture the exclusion > and discrimination prevailing on the campuses, specifically in the > light of the sophisticated and subtle nature in which they express > themselves? Do we need new methods, or mechanisms to capture or > measure and analyse the intensity and enormity of social exclusion and > humiliation prevailing on the campuses of higher and professional > educational learnings? > > > > -- > Avinash Shahi > Doctoral student at Centre for Law and Governance JNU > > > Register at the dedicated AccessIndia list for discussing accessibility of > mobile phones / Tabs on: > http://mail.accessindia.org.in/mailman/listinfo/mobile.accessindia_accessindia.org.in > > > Search for old postings at: > http://www.mail-archive.com/[email protected]/ > > To unsubscribe send a message to > [email protected] > with the subject unsubscribe. > > To change your subscription to digest mode or make any other changes, please > visit the list home page at > http://accessindia.org.in/mailman/listinfo/accessindia_accessindia.org.in > > > Disclaimer: > 1. Contents of the mails, factual, or otherwise, reflect the thinking of the > person sending the mail and AI in no way relates itself to its veracity; > > 2. AI cannot be held liable for any commission/omission based on the mails > sent through this mailing list.. > Register at the dedicated AccessIndia list for discussing accessibility of mobile phones / Tabs on: http://mail.accessindia.org.in/mailman/listinfo/mobile.accessindia_accessindia.org.in Search for old postings at: http://www.mail-archive.com/[email protected]/ To unsubscribe send a message to [email protected] with the subject unsubscribe. To change your subscription to digest mode or make any other changes, please visit the list home page at http://accessindia.org.in/mailman/listinfo/accessindia_accessindia.org.in Disclaimer: 1. Contents of the mails, factual, or otherwise, reflect the thinking of the person sending the mail and AI in no way relates itself to its veracity; 2. 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