Hai Avinash: Is it possible to post the abstract of these papers or even the whole piece if it's not copyrighted or far too long? Thanks for posting this interesting study
Subramani Sent from my iPhone On 12-Apr-2013, at 7:37 PM, avinash shahi <[email protected]> wrote: > Dear All > Take out twenty to 25 minutes to read these case studies conducted by > Partially blind woman Researcher Renu Addlakha > Really faciniting and stimulating. > How Young People with Disabilities Conceptualize > The Body, Sex and Marriage in Urban India: > Four Case Studies > Renu Addlakha > Published online: 11 July 2007 > Springer Science+Business Media, LLC 2007 > http://link.springer.com/content/pdf/10.1007%2Fs11195-007-9045-9 > Abstract Historically in India as elsewhere in the world, there has > been a deep-rooted > cultural antipathy to persons with disabilities. They have been > portrayed as medical > anomalies, helpless victims and a lifelong burden for family and > society. While today there > is a general recognition in India of the need to enhance educational > and employment > opportunities for persons with disabilities in order to promote > economic self-reliance and > independent living, their sexual needs, dreams and aspirations are > more or less invisible. > Sexual and reproductive rights are considered irrelevant for persons > with disabilities. Using > qualitative data, this paper discusses notions of sexual identity > among urban Indian youth > through four case studies of college students in Delhi. Gender emerges > as a key analytical > category in perceptions of sexuality among young men and women with > visual and locomotor > disabilities. The paper does not claim to capture the complex reality > of disabled > sexuality in India, but highlights some key issues in a hitherto > largely under-research > domain. But the author’s analysis carries added value, since she > herself has low vision; > thus conferring a reflexive angle to the research. > Keywords Disability Gender Sexuality Identity Visual disability > India > Gender Subjectivity and Sexual Identity > Instead of giving rights to citizens with disabilities and empowering > them, a culture of > charity and welfare has been systematically promoted in India since > the colonial period. > The disability discourse has primarily focused on issues related to > the medical management, > education and employment of persons with disabilities. This is a > crucial step in the > R. Addlakha (&) > Centre for Women’s Development Studies, 25 Bhai Vir Singh Marg, New > Delhi 110001, India > e-mail: [email protected] > 123 > Sex Disabil (2007) 25:111–123 > DOI 10.1007/s11195-007-9045-9 > disability movement, because it has resulted in legislation for > affirmative action and other > policy moves. A landmark judgment, ‘Persons with Disabilities (Equal > Opportunities and > Protection of Rights and Full Participation) Act was passed by the > Indian Parliament in > 1995 > [1]. > 1]. > However, since the focus of discussion and activities both by the state and > the > non-government organizations in the disability sector is still > confined to enhancing the > educational and employment opportunities of differently-abled persons, > other critical areas > of concern such as their fertility, sexual behaviour and reproductive > health have not yet > found articulation in the public discourse in this country. Anecdotal > evidence and personal > communication with different stakeholders in the disability sector in > India suggest that the > rights of persons with disabilities to relationships, a family and > children have been completely > side-lined. While theoretically endorsing the need to address > sexuality concerns of > persons with disabilities, interviews with policymakers, special > educators, and rehabilitation > professionals among others reveal that they assign it a secondary > status, arguing that it > can be taken up after basic needs of health, education and employment > have been addressed. > Furthermore, negative stereotyping of persons with disabilities as > either asexual or > sexual perverts find expressions in the media, films and matrimonial > columns validating its > neglect as a priority in their day to day lives. Needless to say, the > situation of women with > disabilities is more fraught as they suffer the double burden of > gender and disability-based > oppression. > Indeed, not only in India but worldwide persons with disabilities > emerge as a sexually > disenfranchised segment of the population > [2]. > 2]. > There is, in fact, a general social rejection > of their sexuality > [3– > 3– > 6]. Consequently, disabled sexuality is an important area in the > discipline of disability studies, more particularly feminist disability > studies > [7– > 7– > 11]. Even in > the Indian context, preliminary work in this domain has been > undertaken by feminist > researchers in the social sciences > [12– > 12– > 18]. > Unlike India where the rehabilitation discourse has mainly focused on > special education, > very intensive hands on work on disabled sexuality has emerged from > the field of > rehabilitation in the United States. Research in this area has focused > on a number of areas > providing critical insight into the domain of disability, sexuality > and reproduction. For > instance, notions of sexual identity and self-concept in the context > of various types of > disabilities have been examined > [19– > 19– > 24]. What some of these biographical and observational > accounts reveal is that although persons with disabilities suffer more > negative > attitudes to sex than their non-disabled counterparts, their perceived > need is considerably > higher. Furthermore, their higher vulnerability to sexual abuse and > exploitation has also > been explored > [25– > 25– > 29]. The theme of consensual sex in the context of mental retardation > has been examined from an ethical perspective > [30, > 30, > 31]. > While members of both sexes suffer considerable disadvantages arising > out of their > disabilities, the situation of women with disabilities is particularly > poignant as they suffer > the double burden of ableism and sexism > [32– > 32– > 35]. In societies like India, men with disabilities > have greater access to health, education and employment opportunities > than their > female counterparts. They also find it easier to find sexual partners, > both with and without > disabilities. Indeed, being male shields them from some of the more > dehumanizing consequences > of being disabled that women with disabilities cannot escape. A woman with a > disability is considered incapable of fulfilling the normative > feminine roles of homemaker, > wife and mother. Then, she also does not fit the stereotype of the > normal woman in terms of > physical appearance. Since women embody family honour in the Indian > context, girls with > disabilities are more often than not kept hidden at home by families > and denied basic rights > to mobility, education and employment. Parents become more protective > and restrictive, > especially after the adolescent girl reaches puberty. Travelling to > school is a double burden, > 112 Sex Disabil (2007) 25:111–123 > 123 > with transport difficulties coupled with the danger of sexual abuse > and violation. Furthermore, > some believe there is no point investing in the education of a girl > with disabilities > since she will never be able to earn a living. She will eventually be > a life-long burden on > the natal family because marriage is also not a realistic option. So, > it is economically > unsound to invest in her education or vocational training. Under these > circumstances, they > may be married off to older already married men or men in poor health. > Annulment of > marriage due to disability is a major factor in the lives of women > with disabilities. There > are more divorced/separated wives than husbands with disabilities > [36]. > 36]. > Very often this > occurs because the natal family chooses to conceal the disability, > especially if it is an > invisible one like mental illness, at the time of an arranged > marriage. At other times the > married woman with disabilities may be expelled from the marital home > for other reasons, > ranging from her inability to satisfactorily perform household chores > to bearing a child > with disabilities. In short, women with disabilities do not have the > same options of marriage > and motherhood as non-disabled women. Being nurturing and caring are core > components of normative constructions of femininity, but women with > disabilities may > themselves be in need of care. This inversion reduces them to the > status of being less than > women. > Nonetheless, a gender sensitive perspective reveals that men with > disabilities also face a > whole range of distinctive problems as disability is perceived to > severely compromise both > self-perceived and other-perceived notions of manhood and masculinity. > In males, > dependency needs are extremely stigmatizing. The disjunction between > traditional notions > of what it means to be a man: aggressive, strong, self-reliant and > providing financial > security and social status to the family, and being a man with a > disability in need of > assistance, has potentially devastating consequences on sexual > identity and overall > selfconcept > > selfconcept > of men with disabilities [37–39]. > The case studies discussed in this paper highlight the dilemmas faced > by young persons > with disabilities, as they struggle to construct their sexual > identities within dominant > hetero-normative discourses of conjugality in the Indian context. > Adolescents and young > people were chosen, as this is the period of crystallisation of adult > sexual identity. Given > the sensitive nature of the topic of research, multiple in depth > semi-structured interviews > were conducted with informants following the life history approach > [40, > 40, > 41]. The interviews > were tape-recorded with permission, pseudonyms used for > identification, and then > translated from Hindi into English. Subsequently, the transcribed > material was subject to > content analysis in terms of certain broad categories, such as medical > history of impairment, > health seeking behaviour, family and educational history, sexual > perceptions and > experiences, career and marriage plans for the future etc. to > constitute the case studies. The > narratives reveal that although gender is a major defining element of > the disability experience > in general and of the self as a sexual being in particular, it does > not operate in > isolation but intersects closely with other equally important > variables such as social class > (and caste in the case of India), family composition and dynamics and > geographical > location. Secondly, the segregation–inclusion discourses influence > informants’ opinions of > marriage and family life as also their actual social behaviour. > Thirdly, although the charity > discourse on disability is slowly giving way to the human rights > perspective in the public > sphere, the transition to a social model approach is far from > complete. Indeed, as the case > studies show individuals with disabilities may selectively appropriate > both perspectives as > strategic devices to further their goals. Lastly, my aim is not to > present broad generalizations > on sexuality and disability in India, but to initiate a discussion on > how sexual > perceptions, behaviour and attitudes are experientially configured at > the micro-level. In that > Sex Disabil (2007) 25:111–123 113 > 123 > regard, my own location as a woman with a visual disability becomes a > resource to open up > a hither-to under researched area in India for exploration. > Case study 1 and case study II show how two visually challenged young > women attempt > to adhere to normative constructions of femininity. Notwithstanding > the multiple disadvantages > characterizing the lives of women with disabilities in general, both Mira and > Payal manage to salvage a positive body image and choose to follow the > hetero-normative > script. Case study III and case study IV present similar versions of > disabled sexuality > within the cultural construction of masculinity. Although having > different disabilities and > studying in the same class, Amit and Lalit show almost equal levels of > low self worth and > alienation, which are in sharp contrast to the optimism exuded by > their female counterparts. > Case Study I > Mira is a 21-year-old visually challenged young woman pursuing a > bachelor of education > degree in the Central Institute of Education (CIE) at Delhi > University. Her hometown is > Allahabad in the state of Uttar Pradesh bordering Delhi, where her > family continues to > reside. She is the youngest of seven siblings. Her father is a retired > bank employee and her > mother is a housewife. While her father and siblings have obtained > university education, > her mother is illiterate. At the time of meeting Mira, two brothers > were unemployed and > her elder unmarried sister was completing her doctorate in psychology. > Mira did her > schooling from the National Institute for the Visually Handicapped > (NIVH) in the town of > Dehra Dun (also in Uttrakhand State), which is a leading institute for > education of the > visually challenged in India. Subsequently she did her > under-graduation from the Indraprastha > College of Delhi University. Currently, she lives in the CIE hostel. > Mira lost her vision at the age of three years after suffering from > diphtheria and related > complications that occurred after administration of an injection > (details not known to her). > Besides the visual loss, Mira feels the childhood infections have had > other permanent > adverse consequences on her heath like stunting of growth and having > ‘water and calcium > deposits in her brain’. In addition there is some hormone imbalance in > her body. She had to > undergo gynaecological intervention to initiate menstruation at the > age of 18 years, and is > presently on such hormonal medicines as Ovral-G and Ovral L (brand names). > Describing life in the NIVH hostel, she said: > What I liked the most was all of us living together like a family. I > had joined the > school at a very young age. I stayed there for 10 years and all of us > lived together like > siblings. > Even though the passage from a special residential school to an > integrated college hostel in > a different city was a major move, Mira had a relatively smooth > transition. Describing the > hostel atmosphere at Indraprastha College, she said: > I really ‘enjoyed’ being in the hostel. First I was somewhat scared > how the other > ‘normal’ people will behave with me. Then there is also ragging of the > ‘freshers > (sophomores) in colleges. But when I actually went there, I found that > people were > ‘good-natured’ and they helped me out a lot. I ‘adjusted’; to the > place very quickly > and participated in college functions, even winning prizes in poetry and essay > competitions. I also got the Miss Fresher Award in the hostel and Miss Fresher > Runner-up Award in the college. > 114 Sex Disabil (2007) 25:111–123 > 123 > After completing her B.A., Mira got admission into the B.Ed. program > at CIE whose main > attraction was the option of getting a teaching job in a government > school. She feels it is > her duty to earn and give some money at home. So, from the outset it > can be seen that Mira > charted her life course in accordance with conventional aspirations of > a non-disabled > person. Despite occasional opposition from the family whose > traditional bent of mind made > them reluctant to invest in the education of a disabled daughter, her > parent’s supportive > role cannot be overlooked. She wants to remain in Delhi because > opportunities for > ‘handicapped people’ in terms of studies and jobs are much more than > in Allahabad. > Overall, Mira has not done badly for herself at all: she is in a high > status position as she is > living in a Delhi University hostel, enrolled in a professional > course, receiving a stipend for > the disabled and has the option of obtaining a job through reservation. > Even with family support and a fair amount of good luck, there is > reason to dwell upon > Mira’s high level of self-confidence and personal autonomy, since > visual disability is not the > only obstacle she has had to wrangle with. Mira’s sexual development > was obstructed by > absence of menstruation and development of secondary sexual > characteristics during the > adolescent years. Although her mother had given her a vague idea about > menstruation when > she was around 12 years old, she did not perceive anything amiss when > all her classmates > began menstruating. But when girls in the hostel younger to her also > reached menarche, Register at the dedicated AccessIndia list for discussing accessibility of mobile phones / Tabs on: http://mail.accessindia.org.in/mailman/listinfo/mobile.accessindia_accessindia.org.in Search for old postings at: http://www.mail-archive.com/[email protected]/ To unsubscribe send a message to [email protected] with the subject unsubscribe. To change your subscription to digest mode or make any other changes, please visit the list home page at http://accessindia.org.in/mailman/listinfo/accessindia_accessindia.org.in
