Here's a review of this title with more info. (From the Linguist 
list)... DZO


Date: 07-Dec-2004 
From: Luna Beard <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
Subject: Language Planning and Policy in Africa Vol 1: Botswana, 
Malawi, Mozambique and South Africa


EDITORS: Baldauf, Richard B. Jr; Kaplan, Robert B. 
TITLE: Language Planning and Policy in Africa, Vol. 1 
SUBTITLE: Botswana, Malawi, Mozambique and South Africa 
SERIES: Language Planning and Policy 
PUBLISHER: Multilingual Matters Ltd 
YEAR: 2004 
Announced at http://linguistlist.org/issues/15/15-2500.html 
  
  
Luna Beard 
Department of Afroasiatic Studies, Sign Language and Language 
Practice, University of the Free State, Bloemfontein, South Africa 
  
This collection of papers focuses on the language planning and 
language policy situations in four African countries that are members 
of the Southern African Development Community.  Botswana, Malawi, 
Mozambique and South Africa share common borders, a number of African 
languages, as well as a number of educational, social and economic 
challenges. Baldauf and Kaplan's series overview and their 
introduction to common issues are followed by a selected list of 
recently published further reading not cited in the monographs that 
follow.  This is given by country and reveals a much larger published 
literature for South Africa than for the other three. 
  
Contributors to this areal volume were requested to examine four 
topics comprising a total of 22 related questions, namely; language 
profile, language spread, language policy and planning, and language 
maintenance and prospects.   
  
Lydia Nyati-Ramahobo provides an overview of the language situation 
in Botswana.  All four reports are specific and informative, but this 
one is particularly captivating. She (53) points out that 'Botswana's 
language policy is not written; it is understood, inferred and 
observed from reality' and then explains what that involves. 
  
As far as language death and language maintenance are concerned, 
Nyati-Ramahobo (57) contends that, given the circumstances and the 
view that language diversity is a problem, one would not be surprised 
if by now all languages in Botswana were extinct except Setswana and 
English. Slavery also played a role in language shift, particularly 
in the way that the Batawa tribe dictated history. Nyati-Ramahobo 
(31) explains that the terms minority and majority have, by 
definition, no numerical significance in Botswana.  What determines 
whether a tribe is major or minor is whether it belongs to one of the 
eight Setswana tribes and speak one of the eight Setswana dialects.  
The Batawana constitute one percent of the population yet are 
considered to be a majority tribe. The Batawa enslaved the Wayeyi for 
over 250 years (58).  Even after the abolitions of slavery worldwide, 
the majority of Wayeyi still continue to be ruled by the Batawana, 
despite their efforts since 1936 to achieve autonomy.  As a result, 
the Wayeyi suffer from low self-esteem;  many would prefer not to 
reveal their true identity, but rather say they are Batawana, 
particularly to outsiders who have  no reason to suspect anything to 
the contrary. While the denial syndrome is not exclusive to the 
Wayeyi, the Batawana more extensively subjected them to slavery than 
any other tribe.  Most of the Wayeyi have become assimilated and 
cannot speak (their language)  Shiyeyi, while others speak it but do 
not admit that they do because of the low status of the language 
through its association with slavery (31). Nyati-Ramahobo (58-67) 
describes the work of some groups that have begun to form 
organisations to revive their language and culture. 
  
 In the next paper Edrinnie Kayambazinthu explores the historical an 
political processes, as well as current practices of language 
planning in Malawi. In her discussion of the spread of Chichewa and 
Tumbuka in Malawi, the role of the language-in-education policy is 
central to the argument of both planned and unplanned language 
spread.  The major question confronting language education planners 
in post-colonial societies such as Malawi, is what language(s) to 
include in the school system.  The question in Malawi, it is pointed 
out (98), has often hinged on the feasibility of English as a lingua 
franca for its practical usefulness for science and technology and 
world civilisation, as well as the maintenance of cultural identity 
and ease of communication with the people, since English remains far 
removed from them. The current dominance of English in administration 
and legislature means that nearly 90% of Malawians are excluded from 
decisions that affect them. The dilemma surrounding the use of 
English often translates into programmatic issues such as what the 
first medium of communication in school should be and when the 
transition to English should be made. The section on language 
planning also focuses on the political philosophy, Zasintha ('things 
have changed') behind the current language policy decisions in 
Malawi.  Consultation and lobbying for languages shaped the language 
policy during the colonial period. Kayambazinthu (137) explains that 
the post-colonial period is, however, marked by spontaneous planning 
without consultation  and decisions that are connected to the socio-
economic and political environment in which they were made.  This 
report is concluded in the hope that the future development of 
language policy in Malawi will be systematic and that directives will 
be based on actual research, not on vested interest. 
  
 The aim of the paper by Armando Jorge Lopes is to provide a 
preliminary survey of the language planning situation in  
Mozambique.  Lopes (150) admits that this project was more complex 
than anticipated, since available information was widely dispersed 
and unsystematic, the exchange of published ideas among researchers 
insufficient, and also because a comprehensive language atlas of 
Mozambique is still lacking.  Like most African countries, Mozambique 
is a multilingual and multicultural country.  Portuguese is the 
official language. The indigenous Bantu languages constitute the 
major language stratum, both with regard to number  of speakers and 
in terms of language distribution over the territory. Lopes (159) 
explains that Mozambique's communication with the outside world is 
carried out by means of two languages, namely, Portuguese and 
English. These languages are the two official languages of the 
Southern African Development Community which integrates 15 countries, 
but, in practice, English has functioned as the major working 
language.  Quite remarkably, according to Lopes (159), French, which 
used to be the primary foreign language in the colonial educational 
system, is now making a comeback at the pre-university level, and 
could, in future, become Mozambique's second most important foreign  
language.  
  
Mozambique has a young population. Lopes (162) indicates that school 
age Mozambicans (5-24 years) represent more than 50% of the country's 
total population. Following the changes in overall national policies 
and the end in 1992 of the 16-year war which devastated the country, 
the government, with the help of the international community, has 
embarked on specific rehabilitation and restructuring programmes. 
  
The fourth and last monograph by Nkonko M. Kamwangamalu examines the 
language planning situation in South Africa.  He provides two reasons 
why English has been accused of being  double-edged sword in South 
Africa (and in other former British colonies on the African 
continent), despite all its positive attributes.  Firstly, although 
it provides access to education and job opportunities, it also acts 
as  a barrier to such opportunities for those who do not speak it, or 
whose English is poor.  Secondly, it is an important key to 
knowledge, science and technology, but it is increasingly being seen 
as the major threat to the maintenance of indigenous languages, as a 
remnant of colonialism and a cause of cultural alienation, and as a 
vehicle of values not always in harmony with local traditions and  
beliefs (203). Kamwangamalu (255) cites research which indicate that 
most black parents consider African languages to be irrelevant in the 
education process, because, unlike English- or Afrikaans- medium 
education, education in an African language is not rewarding.
  
 One of the key issues highlighted in this paper is the mismatch 
between South Africa's multilingual language policy and language 
practices.  The section on language and religion is not convincing as 
a result of the incorrect and confusing use of a term and a 
translation (217). Although long sections are devoted to the past, 
attempts are made to view the current situation in context and to 
provide a balanced perspective on some issues.  
  
ABOUT THE REVIEWER 
  
Luna Beard is a researcher in the Department of Afroasiatic Studies, 
Sign language and Language Practice at the University of the Free 
State in Bloemfontein, South Africa. She works mostly in Cognitive 
Linguistics.  As far as  microlinguistics is concerned, she enjoys 
syntax and phonology, but her real linguistic passions are stylistics 
and textual studies. She is in favour of interdisciplinary studies, 
especially those that combine linguistics and communication studies, 
as well as those that focus on the interface between linguistics and 
Bible studies.  She taught linguistics for 11 years at the University 
of the Free State and the University of South Africa. After that she 
lived in Tucson, Arizona for five years where she joined in with 
linguistic discussions. 

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