The following column from the Lagos newspaper, Daily Nation, was seen on
http://allafrica.com/stories/200501210059.html     DZO

"Language and Nationalism"

Daily Champion (Lagos)
http://www.champion-newspapers.com/
OPINION
January 21, 2005 
Posted to the web January 21, 2005 

Ifeanyi Ubabukoh
Lagos 

ONE failed attempt to promote national unity in Nigeria of more than 260
different tongues, cultures and varied levels of educational and economic
development was the feverish, half-hearted introduction, in 1970, of an
indigenous language as a national language.

The language, at the time tentatively called WAZOBIA, an admixture of three
major vernaculars, died abruptly. It was bound to be so. Yet, as a national
conference looms several groups of stakeholders are brushing up the instrument
of national language as part of their solution to the country's disunity.

Likewise, secessionist groups and prime movers of "ethnic" nationality
worldwide, particularly in the dissolved Soviet Union, former Yugoslavia and
parts of Africa, insist that a policy of national independence should be
determined by language: that people of one tongue must be of one nation. They
got it wrong.

Similarly erroneous and illusory is an Algerian decree, in 1996, banning the
French language and adopting Arabic to promote a brand of nationalism known as
Abrabism. Equally, the French President Jacques Chirac has been chasing the
shadows, since 1995, by urging domination of the French Language
internationally, in the post-cold war world that has given way to more and more
ethnic nationalities.

In all these examples, language is recognised, one way or the other, as the
pillar and propeller of nationalism: which is the strongest force currently at
work in most parts of the world. But it will be a serious miscalculation to
hold that language makes a nation. It does not. Nationality is not created by
language.

Not to believe so is to believe that Nigeria, Canada, Switzerland, Belgium,
China and India are not nations, or that Britain and the United States of
America (U.S.) are not different nations. The ethnic minorities fighting for
national independence should know also that former Yugoslavia - where all of
the warring communities speak the same language - is still a nation.

And when Nigerians begin to brandish an indigenous language to cement national
unity, they should be promptly reminded that many of the non-Hausa by blood,
killed in the 1966 programme in northern Nigeria, were excellent speakers of
the Hausa language. Even today, fluency in the Hausa, Igbo and Yoruba, etc.
languages is not a protection against all manner of tribal, ethnic
discriminations in this country.

More than a national language, what guarantees national unity is the evolution
of indigenous languages through freedom of association, ensured by freedom of
the citizens to reside and do their legitimate businesses in all parts of
Nigeria.

Even so, "nationality" is a very elusive concept, and "nation" itself is
difficult to define. It is generally accepted that a nation is made up of
people who have so much in common that they feel themselves to be one.
Nigerians, made up of about 300 ethnic nations, accepted this even at the
outset of their fight for independence. They do not, to satisfy the definition,
have to speak one language or to have everything in common; otherwise, one
would never be able to describe any group of people at all as a nation.

Besides, in no historical case does one find all members of a particular nation,
linguistic or ethnic group, gathered within one state's boundaries. The Ewes
are a nation, and so are the Yorubas, although in both cases the people
concerned are spread over territories controlled by different national
governments. The Poles are, and were, a nation, although for centuries there
was no Polish state.

The other deception of promoting nationalism by national language is presented
by the Algerian decree. In December, 1996, the ruling National Algerian Council
decreed that, effective from July 5, 1998, the French language ceased to be the
official language of Algeria, a former colony of France.

Instead, the decree advocates wide and compulsory use of the Arabic language and
gives all universities in Algeria up till July 5,2000, "to switch over from
teaching in French to teaching in Arabic."

>From that date, "no political statement, speech or conflict correspondence
should be written in French and no conference or lecture should be held in
French in the country - television programmes as well as other oral
communication should be made in Arabic." The aim of the decree is to promote
Arabism, a brand of nationalism that will ensure Algerian national unity within
the confines of the Arab world.

The "Arabisation" policy, first launched on July 5, 1962, the date of the
Algerian independence, had been suspended many times as it failed to work in
the past "due to the conflict between Arabic and French activists." It will
inevitably continue to fail because it remains very difficult for Algeria or
any other former colony to blurt out by legislation a language that has endured
from colonial times till date. An acquired or learned language cannot be lost
in this way, just as a mind stretched by new knowledge cannot regain its
original dimension. Much more overriding, the modern world is a cross-cultural
world, reduced to a global village through the communication media.

In this situation, therefore, Algeria, which has decided to adopt the Arabic
language will not be able to do away with the French language. It was not clear
what Algerian President Liamine Zeroul, whose government had in a referendum, a
month before the promulgation of the decree, approved a new Algerian
constitution that bans parties based on religion, language or ethnicity, was up
to.

Sure, France and Algeria were bitter enemies, drawn in a long, bitter and
devastating war of liberation between 1954 and 1962, that left over one million
Muslims dead. But France is seen by the guerrillas of the Armed Islamic Group
in Algeria as a principal backer of President Zeroul.

Ironically, in recognition of language as an imperialist tool of cultural
domination, French President Chirac was at the sixth Francophone summit in
Cotonou, Benin Republic, in December, 1995, urging French-speaking countries to
ensure domination of French language in international communication. He can't
be true to himself when, like other prominent French politicians he had, before
he became president, shown virulent xenophobia, incited racial hatred and
called for nationality based on blood, rather than birth-place or fluency in
French language.

In sum, language-based nationalism is backward. The world should move towards
reviving secular citizenship rather than ethnic nationality. Because
nationality is cultural but citizenship has to be secular and unconnected to
real or imagined ethnic identity.

------------------------------------------------------------------
 
Copyright � 2005 Daily Champion. All rights reserved. Distributed by AllAfrica
Global Media (allAfrica.com). Click here to contact the copyright holder
directly for corrections -- or for permission to republish or make other
authorized use of this material 




------------------------ Yahoo! Groups Sponsor --------------------~--> 
Meet the McDonald�s� Lincoln Fry  get free digital souvenirs,
Web-only video and bid on the Lincoln Fry prop charity auction.
http://us.click.yahoo.com/RUJaMB/fV0JAA/Zx0JAA/TpIolB/TM
--------------------------------------------------------------------~-> 

 
Yahoo! Groups Links

<*> To visit your group on the web, go to:
    http://groups.yahoo.com/group/AfricanLanguages/

<*> To unsubscribe from this group, send an email to:
    [EMAIL PROTECTED]

<*> Your use of Yahoo! Groups is subject to:
    http://docs.yahoo.com/info/terms/
 



Reply via email to