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[In the cause of freedom, humanitarianism and the rule
of law, of course.]

Sydney Morning Herald
September 18, 2001

Enter the hitmen: US prepares to turn nasty 
The Cold War warriors are back in control as the White
House considers revoking a ban on CIA assassins,
writes Gay Alcorn in Washington. 
In January, United States Congressman Bob Barr
proposed ending a 25-year ban on presidential powers
to order assassinations. His resolution languished.
Not one member of Congress backed him and the
President, George Bush, didn't reply to his letter.
Like everything else, that attitude changed with the
terrorist attacks on the US last week, which are
estimated to have killed 5,000 people. Before, the
Bush Administration was suggesting that Israel refrain
from assassinating suspected Palestinian terrorists
and bring them to trial instead. Those niceties of
peace are being reassessed, and with them America's
idea of itself as the shining example of democracy and
rule of law.
In 1976, the then US president, Gerald Ford, signed an
executive order banning the president's right to order
assassinations after the CIA botched an attempt to
kill the Cuban leader, Fidel Castro. On Sunday, the US
Secretary of State, Colin Powell, said that
"everything is under review", including the hit-squad
ban.
Mr Powell has great stature in the US as a diplomat, a
Republican moderate, a Vietnam veteran and the
chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff during the Gulf
War. Until Tuesday's strikes, he was all-but sidelined
by the Bush Administration's hardliners, whose main
goal was the rapid development of a missile defence
shield to protect the US against attacks from "rogue
states".
Even Time asked on its cover: "Where have you gone,
Colin Powell?"
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The US media now call him "General" Powell again. He
is the reassuring voice on TV talk shows and a key
member of Mr Bush's war cabinet that met over the
weekend. But the tough men, the policy hawks, were
there too.
The Vice-President, Dick Cheney, is at the head of
this band. He was defence secretary for George Bush
snr, and is a great personal friend of the President. 
No fan of Mr Powell, Mr Cheney spoke bluntly on Sunday
of reassessing the authorisation of assassinations. He
also questioned another symbol of American superiority
- its reluctance to put known abusers of human rights
on the CIA payroll. (The practice was scaled back
dramatically after disclosure in the mid-1990s that a
Guatemalan army officer employed by the CIA was a
suspected torturer.) 
"To be able to penetrate [terrorist] organisations you
need to have on the payroll some very unsavoury
characters," he said. 
"It is a mean nasty, dangerous, dirty business out
there, and we have to operate in that arena." 
Mr Cheney did not believe there was any law preventing
the assassination of the chief suspect for Tuesday's
attacks, Osama bin Laden, "but I'd have to check with
the lawyers on that". Would he like bin Laden's head
on a platter? "I would take it today."
Most Americans would support Mr Cheney's sentiments,
even if some lawyers are queasy about the legality and
symbolism of sinking to the enemy's tactics to defeat
them. M.Cherif Bassiouni, an international law expert
at DePaul University in Chicago, believes it is
"impermissible" under international law for a nation
to order assassinations. "I think it is a wise policy
to not have the intelligence agencies be judge, jury
and executioner all wrapped into one. The potential
for abuse is too big and the symbolism is too
harmful," he told the Los Angeles Times.
It was another key member of the Bush Administration,
the Deputy Defence Secretary, Paul Wolfowitz, who most
starkly underscored the dramatic change in policy.
Instead of concentrating only on fighting terrorists,
the aim was "ending states who sponsor terrorism". Mr
Wolfowitz's aides now say he erred, that he meant to
say the US would end support for such states, yet Mr
Bush has made clear he intends to take a tough stance
against any nation which harbours terrorists.
Mr Wolfowitz's hardline views are consistent with his
attitudes towards previous conflicts. He advocated
removing Saddam Hussein from office after the Desert
Storm operation expelled the Iraqi leader's forces
from Kuwait. 
Three years ago, Mr Wolfowitz, along with the now
Defence Secretary, Donald Rumsfeld, Deputy Secretary
of State, Richard Armitage, and Undersecretary of
State, John Bolton, wrote to President Bill Clinton
criticising his Iraq policy. Ousting Hussein "needs to
become the aim of American foreign policy", he wrote,
a suggestion that has re-emerged this week, if only
unofficially.
Though well regarded now, Mr Armitage, another veteran
of the Reagan era, has a past tinged with controversy.
He worked closely with Colonel Oliver North in
clandestine White House efforts during the Reagan
presidency to trade arms to Iran and send some of the
profits to Nicaraguan contra rebels. 
That was against the law, and was enough for President
Bush snr to withdraw his nomination as Army Secretary
in 1989.
    

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