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Repressive measures

India and China have seized on the rhetoric of
anti-terrorism to steamroller opposition

Isabel Hilton
Guardian

Saturday December 15, 2001

Within hours of Thursday's attack on the Indian parliament, two
responses immediately threw into sharp relief the danger it
posed. One came from the Pakistani government, condemning
the attack and offering sympathy; the second was from VK
Malhotra, spokesman for the BJP, the majority party in the
governing coalition in India, arguing for a "pro-active and
hot-pursuit policy" in Kashmir.

Malhotra argued that the solution to the situation in Kashmir
was to take a leaf out of the US book and attack the terror at
source, a reference well understood in Delhi and Islamabad to
mean Pakistan. Since then, anxious outsiders, including Britain,
have been leaning on India, trying to calm the tensions that
could lead to a third Indo-Pakistan war over the tragedy of
Kashmir.


(... cut...)




Kashmir is an even more alarming case, not only because the
death toll is much higher (some 70,000 Kashmiris have died in
the last 10 years), but also because it threatens a potential
conflict between South Asia's nuclear states, a catastrophe that
would dwarf that of September 11. Kashmir, too, is a dispute
that has festered because of decades of neglect.

Kashmir is a largely Muslim state that was denied a referendum
on partition in 1947 because the state's Hindu governor opted to
join India, undoubtedly against the will of the population. Despite
two United Nations resolutions urging a referendum, India has
refused to hold one. A long campaign of popular resistance to
Indian rule began as a secular movement. But, during the
CIA-sponsored jihad in Afghanistan in the 1980s, the Pakistani
secret service, the ISI, encouraged the mojahedin to include
Kashmir in their list of liberation struggles. Radical Islamists
trained in Pakistan and Afghanistan began to operate in
Kashmir. If September 11 was the byproduct of that war, so too
- the Indian government would have us believe - is the war in
Kashmir.

But there would be no rejoicing in Kashmir if India were to use
the attack on its parliament as a pretext for further military
action. There is no doubt that the history of Pakistan meddling
in Kashmir is unfortunate, to put it mildly. But to define the
unrest in Kashmir as terrorism sponsored by Pakistan is a
monstrous distortion. President Pervez Musharraf, Pakistan's
military ruler, inherited a legacy of militant Islam, created in the
1980s, that he has been trying to dismantle.

He has supported the US action in Afghanistan, despite the
noisy opposition of his own religious extremists and the unease
of the wider population. He has placed several religious leaders
under house arrest and has moved to close religious schools
that preach jihad or to force them to conform to a secular
educational curriculum. He has replaced the head of the security
services and several senior officers whom he suspected of
extremist sympathies. He has repeatedly called for negotiations
on Kashmir; there has never been a Pakistani head of state
more willing to talk about an issue that arouses violent feelings
on both sides.

The Kashmir dispute has been ignored by the international
community for nearly four decades and it has rarely been more
dangerous. A decade ago, the UN general assembly adopted a
resolution on measures to eliminate international terrorism -
which said, among other things, that nothing in that resolution
could be taken to prejudice the right of self-determination,
freedom and independence laid out in the UN charter.

Kashmir is recognised by the UN as disputed territory. It is time
that international attention was concentrated on the dispute
before the war against terrorism provides the pretext for further
tragedy. 

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