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----- Original Message -----
From: John Clancy <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
To: <Africa: ;>
Cc: <news: ;>; <overflow: ;>; <blindmice: ;>
Sent: Wednesday, March 13, 2002 6:30 AM
Subject: Reuters: Rival Political Protests Jolt Venezuelan Capital.'Threats won't be
fatal to the revolution'


from: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
subject: Reuters: Rival Political Protests Jolt Venezuelan Capital.
'Threats won't be fatal to the revolution'
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From: "Jose G. Perez" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
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Date: Wed, 27 Feb 2002 21:25:45 -0500
Subject:[CubaNews] Reuters: Rival Political Protests Jolt Venezuelan
Capital
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Rival Political Protests Jolt Venezuelan Capital
Wed Feb 27, 2:18 PM ET
By Pascal Fletcher

CARACAS, Venezuela (Reuters) - Tens of thousands of opponents and
supporters of Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez paralyzed Caracas on
Wednesday in noisy rival marches that revealed deep political and
social tensions shaking the oil-rich South American nation.

In two separate masses of yelling, banner-waving marchers, followers
and foes of the left-wing populist president took to the streets of the
city to measure their strength on the 13th anniversary of 1989 riots in
which hundreds were killed.

Former paratrooper Chavez, who is battling growing opposition to his
three- year-old rule, had called out his supporters to rally behind his
government on the same day that anti-Chavez union bosses held a big
anti-government protest.

The competing demonstrations took place at a time when the president
already is grappling with a faltering economy, open defiance from a
handful of military officers and a revolt against his policies within
the giant state oil firm PDVSA.

Shouting pro-Chavez militants, many wearing red berets, paraded through
the eastern suburb of Altamira, a stronghold for rich and middle-class
opponents of the president.

The atmosphere crackled with class tension as the Chavez marchers,
mostly from poor neighborhoods of the city, came close to blows with
opponents who gathered outside glass-and- marble office towers to jeer
the demonstration.

"Out with Chavez," screamed the well-dressed hecklers, while the pro-
government militants responded with chants of "Chavez, Chavez"
and "Victory for the People."

In downtown Caracas, anti-Chavez union boss Carlos Ortega led an anti-
government protest by thousands of public-sector workers to
the National Assembly, where they handed over a petition calling on
the Venezuelan leader to resign.

Opponents of the tough-talking president accuse him of trying to impose
a Cuban-style leftist authoritarian regime that they say will plunge
the world's No. 4 oil exporter into social chaos and economic ruin.

Chavez dismisses his opponents as a resentful, rich minority and says
his self-proclaimed "revolution" aims to close the wide gap between
rich and poor in Venezuela.

Reflecting investors' concern over Venezuela, Moody's Investors Service
on Wednesday changed the country's ratings outlook to negative from
stable. It cited continued loss of reserves, capital flight and
political turbulence.

CHAVEZ SUPPORTERS PELT OPPONENTS

At Altamira's main square, Chavez supporters threw oranges, plastic
water bottles and firecrackers at jeering opponents waving national
flags who were protected by several cordons of riot police, some armed
with automatic rifles.

One policewoman was slightly hurt in the leg by an exploding
firecracker.

"We poor people support Chavez," Erlis Nunez, a 27-year-old street
vendor, told Reuters at the pro- Chavez march.

The anti-government protest led by Ortega, which was called to
oppose government public-sector reforms, was peaceful.

But the veteran union leader, who is a sworn political enemy of Chavez,
said the opposition to the president was a sign of the crisis gripping
the nation, where conspicuous wealth exists alongside widespread
grinding poverty.
"Everything indicates we could see serious national conflict," he
told reporters.

Wednesday's marches took place on the anniversary of the bloody
"Caracazo" riots of 1989 in which poor slum-dwellers from the hills
that surround the city descended on its center in an orgy of looting
and pillaging.

Troops brutally quashed the riots, triggered by protests
against transportation fare hikes. The government reported 300 deaths,
although the actual toll was believed to be much higher.

Foes of Chavez say he is stirring up another class war with
his revolutionary rhetoric against rich "oligarchs." This sense of
class consciousness was repeated by many of his supporters.

"The confrontation is clear. One side is marching for the rights of
the people, while the other side is marching for the privileges that
they are losing," said Luis Garcia Nunez, a 59-year-old retired pro-
Chavez journalist.

Chavez, who has introduced reforms to redistribute land to poor
families and increase state intervention in the economy, has shrugged
off the criticism against him from business chiefs, Roman Catholic
bishops and the opposition-dominated media.

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from: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
subject: 'Threats won't be fatal to the revolution'
Delivered-To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
>Le Monde / 'Threats won't be fatal to the revolution' /

>'Threats won't be fatal to the revolution' Venezuela's president, Hugo
Chavez, tells Jan Krauze that he is staying in office

>Is the Bolivarian revolution under threat?

>Yes, there are threats, risks, some natural, others artificially
created.  But I'm sure they won't be fatal to the revolution. We have
the capacity,  political will, people power, sufficient determination
and the moral  strength to overcome such dangers.

   Do you plan to proclaim an emergency, as some appear to be urging
you to do?

  For the moment, nothing justifies that. An emergency is not something
you  get into without serious thought. Emergencies are regulated by
the  constitution, and there are degrees of emergencies. But I hope
nothing  happens to warrant such a move.

   Why do you think your popularity has sunk so low?

  Everything changes - wind speed, the sun's rays, love. And a good
thing,  too. Otherwise, life would be a bore. But there's also the
normal wear and  tear of power. In baseball when a pitcher throws the
ball in the first  inning, the ball could attain a speed of 96mph
[155km/h]. But after a  hundred throws, the pitcher's arm tires. He
takes a break and then he can  again throw a fastball. [He drew a graph
to show how opinion polls have  been behaving over the past three
years]. You see, it doesn't drop below  40%. Support for the Bolivarian
revolution and the president fluctuates  between 40% and 60%. And if
the press manipulates the data, that's part of  the game.

   The steep drop in the value of the bolivar can only boost
inflation  again, diminish people's earnings and swell discontent. What
do you plan  to do about it? Will you change the team running the
economy?

  I announce decisions when I've taken them. The only person who is
certain  of staying on is the president. Ministers - not just ministers
of economy  - can change. The measures to be announced on February 28
are designed to  give the economy a boost. We're giving priority to the
poor, not   only where wages are concerned, but also in housing, the
supply of  drinking water, education and so on.

   Have you the means for financing such a policy?

  Don't forget, we sell 3m barrels of oil a day. We're trimming our
military  expenditure, our bureaucracy, and scaling down a few large
infrastructure  projects.

   Do you think all this clamour for your resignation is orchestrated?

  Of course I do. There's the discredited political sector, parties
that  don't dare act on their own behalf, but remain in the background;
economic  groups that carry some weight, like the Fedecamera [the
Venezuelan  employers' association]; the media, which play the most
important role,  that is, the role political parties should be playing.
This is a problem  in Venezuela. If I wanted to talk to the leader of
the opposition, I  wouldn't be able to do it. There isn't any. There's
no ideological  alternative either, no project.

   Why don't you mention the few officers who've openly called for
your  resignation?

  They're of no importance at all. I have personally taken part in
a  military demonstration [the aborted 1992 military coup that resulted
in  Chavez being jailed]. We had 10,000 men, tanks, guns. It was an
organised  demonstration, with a plan, a project. Today, the media are
putting on a  show for private reasons.

   So, there's no danger of a military coup?

  None. Zero.

   Do you think the United States might want to get rid of you?

  I don't think so. But if it ever wants me out, I think it will have
to  accept the situation in Venezuela, which has a legitimately
elected  government and the support of the people. I would even say
that this  support is more important than in any other country in the
American  continent. The   American ambassador has just confirmed to me
the public statement issued  by the state department reiterating that
the United States has not  attempted, and will not attempt, to change
the country's institutional  life.

   It's said you have an ambiguous attitude toward Colombia. While
openly  voicing support for President Andres Pastrana's decision to
break off  negotiations with the Revolutionary Armed Forces of
Colombia, you also  refuse to brand the Farc as terrorists. Do you
sympathise with their  cause?

   I feel a sense of brotherhood with the whole of Colombia. We want
peace.  Our position is by no means ambiguous. We have been part of the
group of  "facilitators" who tried to promote talks. All our contacts
with the Farc  leaders are part of this position. It's false to say
that we support the  rebels with weapons. We have been sitting down at
the same table for  years. It's impossible to brand someone as a
terrorist when you are  negotiating with him. But we've always
condemned terrorist acts such as  the hijacking of planes and
kidnappings. February 27

>The Guardian Weekly 7-3-2002, page 25
>

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