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Prepare an international force  
Frederick Bonnart International Herald Tribune 
Tuesday, April 16, 2002  
 
NATO and the Mideast

-A robust external military presence, sufficiently
impartial to be acceptable to all, is required. It
will have to be international, highly disciplined and
well-equipped....The only organization that could
rapidly supply such a force is NATO. Consisting of
Europeans as well as of Americans, it could be
acceptable to both sides. 
-As in the Gulf War, NATO organizational and
procedural arrangements would be used, although the
assets would have to be exclusively national.
The chain of command is already in place. In the
Pentagon's distribution of American worldwide military
responsibilities, the Middle East falls to the U.S.
European Command. Its commander in chief is General
Joseph Ralston, who is also NATO's Supreme Commander
Europe, with his headquarters at Mons, Belgium.
-The NATO actions in Bosnia and Kosovo are valuable
precedents in this case.





 
BRUSSELS The Middle East crisis looks intractable at
present, but sooner or later it will have to end in a
form of accommodation. The first step has to be a
cessation of hostilities, regardless of whether a
cease-fire is tied to other negotiations.

Both sides would then have to feel sufficiently secure
to proceed without a continuation of the cycle of
violence. The rapid insertion of an impartial external
force is therefore essential.

Secretary of State Colin Powell has offered American
observers to help monitor an agreement. But in the
present climate of heavy bloodshed and widespread hate
and fear, mere observers are unlikely to be
sufficient. Also, Americans are not considered to be
impartial by all. A robust external military presence,
sufficiently impartial to be acceptable to all, is
required. It will have to be international, highly
disciplined and well-equipped.

The only organization that could rapidly supply such a
force is NATO. Consisting of Europeans as well as of
Americans, it could be acceptable to both sides. But
this conflict is so far removed from NATO's treaty
area, and so sensitive, that the organization is not
even prepared to consider an intervention.

However, most member nations would be willing to
participate in an undertaking which stops the violence
and provides the conditions for a peaceful solution,
and which at the same time removes a threat to their
vital national interests. A coalition of the willing,
under American leadership, on the model of the Gulf
War coalition could certainly be raised. There would
be no question of such a force imposing peace from the
outside. The essential prerequisites are: full
commitment by the Israeli government and the
Palestinian Authority to a cease-fire, their agreement
to the presence of such a force, and a mandate from
the United Nations Security Council. Participation by
Russia would be extremely important.

As in the Gulf War, NATO organizational and procedural
arrangements would be used, although the assets would
have to be exclusively national.

The chain of command is already in place. In the
Pentagon's distribution of American worldwide military
responsibilities, the Middle East falls to the U.S.
European Command. Its commander in chief is General
Joseph Ralston, who is also NATO's Supreme Commander
Europe, with his headquarters at Mons, Belgium.

The military forces of member nations have
interoperable equipment and are well practiced in
cooperation and common procedures, as are many of the
30 partner countries, of which Russia is one. The NATO
actions in Bosnia and Kosovo are valuable precedents
in this case.

However, an important difference is likely. The
operations in the Balkans were carried out with a
minimum of own casualties, but an intervention in this
case might prove costlier.

Since Palestinian and Israeli extremist factions
oppose all negotiations, and since neither side has
full control over such groups, individual acts of
terrorism will continue to take place, regardless of
agreements made by leaders. Armed attacks on each
other, as well as on the international force, would
probably occur.

Although rules of engagement would have to allow
robust armed action whenever the safety of their
personnel is threatened, casualties among intervention
troops would be inevitable and could be numerous on
occasion. So leaders of contributing countries would
have to rally the will of their own populations when
body bags began to arrive.

Reaching agreement on an interim solution, let alone a
peace treaty, is likely to be a protracted process;
participating governments must therefore be prepared
to maintain their commitment for a long time. The
United States and European countries already deploy
troops in the Balkans and Afghanistan, in addition to
other national commitments; involvement in this crisis
would put a heavy strain on their military resources.

The costs of such an operation would thus be
considerable. However, as ever more lives are lost,
essential infrastructure is ruined and mutual distrust
grows daily, the cost of inaction would be far
greater.

The time is past for verbal strictures. Western
countries must now convert them into action. Planning
and preparation will take time. Agreement in principle
for it needs rapidly to be obtained, and preparatory
action should begin forthwith. 

The writer, editorial director of NATO's Nations, an
independent military journal, contributed this comment
to the International Herald Tribune. 



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