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http://www.hinduonnet.com/stories/2002043000041000.htm

The Hindu
April 30, 2002

America's nuclear hit-list 
By P. S. Suryanarayana 

The Bush administration is consciously extending the
theory of war to cover every peacetime move of
America's potential and actual enemies.  



THE PENTAGON is poised to turn America's nuclear
security doctrine upside down. In a comment on the
classified suggestions by the Pentagon as contained in
the leaked versions of its latest Nuclear Posture
Review, the U.S. President, George W. Bush, has said
that the idea is to enhance America's power of
deterrence. He has, in effect, redefined deterrence �
a protective firewall of nuclear weapons. He wants the
offensive power to pre-empt America's potential
enemies from acquiring weapons of mass destruction.
China and Russia are among those dismayed over this. 

The notion of pre-emption as an updated aspect of the
prevailing doctrine of nuclear deterrence may indeed
appear to be logically simple in conception. However,
the power of pre-emption, now being sought by the
U.S., is technologically complex to attain. Not only
that. A moral issue about America's high-handedness
will cloud any future policy of the Bush
administration aimed at pre-empting its potential foes
from acquiring or developing weapons of mass
destruction � nuclear bombs as also chemical or
biological capabilities of war and the like.
Washington knows that any pre-emption will entail a
greater political aggressiveness than that which might
be manifest in the "rockets' red glare" during a
possible stand-off between the U.S. and its growing
legion of adversaries. James Wirtz and Jeffrey Larsen
have aptly visualised "rockets' red glare" to capture
the surreal drama of America's emerging prowess at
missile defences and of consequential world politics. 

Washington's ongoing programme of fashioning a missile
defence shield is actually a super-tech adventure. The
stated objective is to enable America to shoot down
incoming ballistic missiles that might be launched by
its potential and existing foes among the world's
terrorists and "rogue states". Washington's assumptive
reasoning is that such missiles, if aimed against the
U.S., would be laden with crude or even sophisticated
weapons of mass destruction. Now, America's idea of
pre-emptive deterrence goes a massive step beyond this
real-time objective of destroying the missiles and
their payloads that might be launched against the U.S.
homeland. The novel concept, in fact, is that
America's real and potential antagonists must be
prevented even from being able to assemble
mass-destructive weapons for anti-U.S. purposes. The
Bush administration is consciously extending the
theory of war to cover every peacetime move of
America's potential and actual enemies insofar as
their suspected preparations for war might be
concerned. This certainly is a new frontier in
America's security consciousness itself. 

The classified yet leaked recommendations in the
Pentagon's latest Nuclear Posture Review contain
several ideas which many U.S.-friendly states too, not
just its adversaries, might well regard as indicators
of Washington's willingness to think the unthinkable.
Ironically, the idea of "thinking the unthinkable" was
also originally visualised in the U.S. so as to read
the evolving minds of its present and presumptive
enemies, including non-state actors, on the
international stage. A particularly "unthinkable"
idea, now being considered by the Pentagon, is that
the U.S. must fabricate miniaturised clones of
mind-boggling nuclear weapons. The reported purpose is
to use such nuclear-tipped bunker-busters or similar
earth-penetrative weapons to incinerate the
underground sites of anti-U.S. forces anywhere in the
world. The only definitive guideline for the U.S.
administration in this optional context is that such
underground locations must actually be the bases for
operations connected with the development of any type
of mass-destructive weapons. The only nagging doubt,
which troubles non-partisan observers and many
international diplomats alike, is whether it is
sufficient if Washington were to act unilaterally in
determining the need to launch pre-emptive nuclear
strikes of this kind against its perceived enemies.
This political question cannot be neutralised by
persuasive arguments about the technological precision
of American satellites that could remote-sense the
activities of its enemies in subterranean sites. 

Another risk, seen from a purely diplomatic plane, is
that the U.S. may feel compelled to renounce or
dishonour some important international agreements
regarding the spread of nuclear weapons. A cardinal
principle enshrined in the controversial yet critical
Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) is that the
five acknowledged powers with atomic weapons � the
U.S., Russia, China, France and the U.K. � will not
target the other states and their territories with
such devices. The U.S. might also find it expedient,
at another level, to flout the spirit of the
Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty, which has not yet come
into force because of Washington's own intransigence
among other factors. Any such U.S. action might
trigger new waves of nuclear weaponisation by several
others too, including China and Russia. 

Although India has over time expressed serious
reservations about both the NPT and the CTBT, New
Delhi cannot afford to see with equanimity or
unconcern any future American transgressions of these
agreements. The reason is not far to seek.
Washington's growing disenchantment with the CTBT may
catalyse India's own plans, if any, for transforming
its notional nuclear deterrence into a reasonably
realistic one over time. However, India cannot embrace
a morally controversial idea which is implicit in the
Pentagon's reported thinking that favours nuclear
strikes against those without the proven means to
retaliate in a like manner. New Delhi (no less than
Beijing) has repeatedly proclaimed adherence to the
principle that India will not initiate a nuclear war
by being the first to use the atom bomb. From an
Indian perspective, therefore, the idea of a first
nuclear strike, as distinct from a retaliatory second
strike, can only imply a doctrine of nuclear
permissiveness. 

Now, the U.S. has most recently thought nothing amiss
about reneging on its obligations under the bilateral
Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty with Russia. Obviously,
Washington can no longer accept parity with the
country that lost the Cold War. The U.S. had never
thought of circumscribing its options since the dawn
of the nuclear security era. In a sense, Washington
now seems determined to regain, as decisively as
possible, its lost position of the Harry Truman era.
The U.S. is now seeking the position of
unassailability as a nuclear power even if not its old
status as the sole possessor of atomic weapons. It is
in this sense that the Pentagon's much-publicised leak
about a virtual nuclear hit-list acquires added
significance. The countries that the U.S. might
target, if considered necessary with nuclear weapons,
are Russia, China, Iraq, Iran, North Korea, Libya and
Syria. Add to this the Pentagon's reported suggestion
that the U.S. can use massive conventional weapons or
small but powerful nuclear-tipped missiles against
sites of concern to America anywhere in the world. The
result is an enlarged nuclear hit-list and an implicit
message. With the old U.S.-Soviet bipolarity having
disappeared, the U.S. is now in quest of a qualitative
nuclear monopoly that can be consistent with the
changing security paradigms of the space frontier and
cyberspace.



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