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STRATFOR

> Many Hurdles Will Delay U.S. Attack on Iraq
>
> Summary
>
> Although the Bush administration appears committed to attacking
> Iraq, its ability to do so is limited by several logistical
> problems, such as the availability of precision weaponry and
> aircraft carriers. These issues are temporary, but a great number
> of political problems that could block a campaign will prove much
> more difficult to solve.
>
> Analysis
>
> U.S. President George W. Bush vowed July 8 to use "all tools" at
> his disposal to oust Iraqi President Saddam Hussein. Speaking at
> a surprise news conference, Bush said the world would be a safer
> place once Saddam was overthrown and that he personally is
> engaged in "all aspects" of planning to achieve that goal.
>
> The speech was not the first time Bush had made it clear that his
> administration is committed to regime change in Iraq. Of the many
> options available to the White House, only large-scale military
> action will guarantee the United States an active hand in Iraq
> once Saddam is gone. However, technical limitations will push
> back the date of an attack until winter at the absolute earliest,
> and a host of political hurdles could delay a campaign
> indefinitely.
>
> U.S. strategic planners see two specific reasons to depose
> Saddam. First, Iraq's chemical, biological and nuclear weapons
> programs threaten the balance of power in the Middle East.
> Officials in Washington also fear that those weapons someday
> could find their way into the hands of al Qaeda. This argument is
> based on logic and potentiality rather than evidence, but the
> consequences of such a development would be so terrible that the
> argument must be given credence.
>
> The second reason involves oil. Iraq has huge reserves of crude,
> and gaining control over those resources would greatly enhance
> U.S. energy security -- and give Washington considerable leverage
> over other oil producers, such as Saudi Arabia and Iran. The
> governments of both countries absolutely depend on oil revenues
> to maintain domestic stability, and both use their reserves as
> leverage when negotiating with the United States and the rest of
> the world. For example, Saudi Arabia's oil reserves are a big
> reason that U.S. military forces are chasing al Qaeda in western
> Pakistan and not in western Saudi Arabia.
>
> U.S. influence over Iraqi oil reserves would dramatically
> decrease Riyadh's leverage with Washington. And, in a pinch, the
> United States could threaten to increase Iraqi outputs and
> bankrupt the Saudi and Iranian economies.
>
> But how to get rid of the current regime in Baghdad? The most
> hands-off option would be some sort of covert action to remove
> Saddam -- possibly by assassinating him, capturing him or forcing
> him to flee the country. However, this also is the most difficult
> option and the one least likely to succeed. There also is no
> guarantee that whatever group that replaced Saddam would be any
> better or easier for Washington to control.
>
> Sparking an internal coup is equally unlikely. For one thing, it
> is an extremely difficult thing to do: Stratfor counts at least
> four unsuccessful coup plots since the end of the Gulf War. Iraq
> is a police state in many respects, and Saddam has an extensive
> internal security apparatus at his disposal, comprising multiple
> agencies that watch each other as well as monitor potential
> unrest. He also manipulates the tribal rivalries that permeate
> Iraq, playing factions against each other until it is unclear who
> is on which side.
>
> Coups and covert action carry with them the same problem: The
> United States would have relatively little control over the
> successor government. In this particular case, any Iraqi military
> officer with the fortitude to take on Saddam would not likely
> jump eagerly into a role as a U.S. proxy. A new military regime
> may even find it useful to continue Iraq's chemical, biological
> and nuclear weapons programs.
>
> The only way to ensure the collapse of the current regime and the
> establishment of a suitable replacement is to put U.S. boots on
> the ground in Iraq. The question is, how many boots?
>
> The "Afghan model" of warfare certainly offers an appealing
> answer. Using Special Operations forces to link up with local
> militants under U.S. air cover would require relatively few U.S.
> troops, without a months-long buildup.
>
> But this option has several problems. First, the Iraqi opposition
> is not in the same military class as was the Northern Alliance,
> which had 20,000 hardened fighters under its command. Iraq's
> Kurdish and Shiite groups maintain armed militias -- but fewer,
> and with less experience.
>
> Second, the Iraqi army is more formidable than were the Taliban,
> at least in conventional conflict. Iraq can field more than
> 200,000 troops as well as tanks, artillery, helicopters and anti-
> aircraft systems -- far more effective than the 50,000 lightly
> armed troops commanded by the Taliban. And the Taliban's numbers
> were over-inflated due to alliances of convenience, which quickly
> fell apart, with local warlords.
>
> The physical size of Iraq and the amount of potential opposition
> likely will mean a substantial troop commitment for the United
> States, if for no other reason than to cover all contingencies.
> An assessment earlier this year by a former National Security
> Council member estimated a that a total force of 200,000 to
> 300,000 troops would be necessary -- a number that was confirmed
> by later leaks from the Pentagon. Troops likely would be
> stationed in Kuwait and Turkey, with a limited number in Jordan.
>
> This plan, which has been dubbed "Desert Storm Lite," likely
> would rely more on air-mobile operations than the United States
> did during the Gulf War. Such operations would be necessary to
> secure Iraq's weapons of mass destruction sites and would be
> backed up by armored thrusts from the north and south.
>
> Although the precise details of Desert Storm Lite are unclear,
> the ultimate result is: a substantial U.S. military presence in
> Iraq and a strong U.S. hand in rebuilding the government.
>
> The Bush administration's problem is that any campaign against
> Iraq depends upon a host of other factors. These technical and
> political problems likely will set back any potential attack
> until nearly 2004.
>
> On the technical side, the U.S. military has not recovered fully
> from the initial battle in Afghanistan. Military forces,
> especially aircraft carriers, were thrown into battle on the fly
> last fall, much to the detriment of training and maintenance
> schedules. Three of the 12 U.S. aircraft carriers are currently
> at sea, three are in training cycles, and the rest are undergoing
> repairs in port. Training and repairs for several more carriers
> are scheduled for completion by late autumn, giving the Pentagon
> at least five carriers for an attack.
>
> Also, the U.S. military still may be short of critical weapons.
> Defense officials told the Wall Street Journal in May that it
> would take approximately six months to bring the stock of
> Hellfire anti-tank missiles up to levels necessary to attack
> Iraq. The same is true for the Joint Direct Attack Munition
> (JDAM) bombs -- which use a global positioning system guidance
> mechanism -- that proved so useful in Afghanistan.
>
> Even if the Pentagon's arsenal was bulging, U.S. troops and
> supplies still would have to be moved into place, and most
> estimates say the buildup would take at least two months. There
> was some evidence earlier this year that the United States has
> been "cheating" -- quietly moving men and materiel into the
> theater -- but even at the most optimistic, Washington apparently
> would need at least one month for buildup.
>
> Even more difficult than logistics are the numerous political
> issues to be solved. For instance, the war in Afghanistan must be
> kept at no more than a low simmer in order for a campaign against
> Iraq to proceed. Washington also must ensure that tensions
> between nuclear-armed Pakistan and India do not re-ignite after
> elections in Kashmir this October and that the Israeli-
> Palestinian conflict does not spill over into the rest of the
> Middle East, as it threatened to do this year.
>
> The White House also must feel comfortable that Syria and Iran
> will not intervene on Baghdad's behalf. Neither is any great
> friend of Iraq, but both Damascus and Tehran are extremely
> nervous about the prospect of a U.S. proxy state, with its hand
> on the oil taps, emerging on their borders.
>
> Likewise, the Bush administration must counter Saudi Arabia's
> diplomatic efforts to block an attack on Baghdad. Riyadh is
> concerned both about its status in the oil market and the
> fundamentalist backlash that a U.S. attack could trigger at home.
> That's why the Saudi government has spent the last six months
> trying to force Washington to focus on the conflict in Israel.
>
> If that weren't enough, the government in Turkey -- one of
> Washington's key allies -- is now caught in a domestic political
> maelstrom: The coalition government is slowly collapsing, and new
> elections may be in the works.
>
> Meanwhile, much of the rest of the industrialized world --
> including the European Union, Russia and China -- are none too
> keen on Washington's plans. It is doubtful that they will
> actively oppose the United States with anything more than
> rhetoric, but Washington would no doubt like to have their
> silence, if not their support.
>
> Last but by no means least, the United States must have a
> successor regime ready to take over in Baghdad. Assembling such a
> regime is no easy task, given the squabbling factions that make
> up the Iraqi opposition. They mirror the Iraqi population itself,
> which is split between Sunnis, Shiites and Kurds -- all of which
> are further subdivided into competing clans and tribes.
> ___________________________________________________________________

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