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Heart of smugness 
Unlike Belgium, Britain is still complacently ignoring the gory cruelties of its 
empire 
Maria Misra 
Tuesday July 23, 2002
The Guardian 
So the Belgians are to return to the Heart of Darkness in an attempt finally to 
exorcise their imperial demons. Stung by another book cataloguing the violence and 
misery inflicted by King Leopold's empire on the Congo in the late 19th and early 20th 
century, the state-funded Royal Museum for Central Africa in Brussels has commissioned 
a group of historians to pass authoritative judgment on accusations of genocide: 
forced labour, systematic rape, torture and murder of the Congolese, around 10 million 
of whom are thought to have died as a consequence. 
This is not the first time that the Belgian empire has been singled out for censure. 
Back in the Edwardian era, British humanitarians spilled much ink over its excesses 
and Conrad's novella was corralled into service to show Leopold's Congo as a sort of 
horrific "other" to Britain's more uplifting colonialism. 
Complacency about Britain's imperial record lingers on. In the post-September 11 orgy 
of self-congratulation about the west's superiority, Blair's former foreign policy 
guru, Robert Cooper, and a host of journalistic flag-wavers were urging us not to be 
ashamed of empire. Cooper insisted empire was "as necessary now as it had been in the 
19th century". The British empire was, we were assured, a generally well-intentioned 
attempt to inculcate notions of good government, civilised behaviour and market 
rationality into less well-favoured societies. 
Is such a rosy view of British imperialism justified? Many argue that it is. After 
all, surely the British have less blood on their hands than the French and the 
Belgians? Wasn't the British addiction to the free market a prophylactic against the 
horrors of forced labour? And didn't those peculiar class obsessions make them less 
racist than the rest - silly snobs, but not vicious yobs? And isn't India not only a 
democracy, but, thanks to the British, one with great railways? Perhaps there is a 
kernel of truth in some of this, but there's also much wilful smugness. While the 
complex consequences of colonial economic policy require extended analysis, it is 
possible to dispel more swiftly the myth that the British Empire, unlike King 
Leopold's, was innocent of atrocities. 
It has become a modern orthodoxy that Europe's 20th century was the bloodiest in 
history and that atrocities must be recorded and remembered by society as a whole. But 
while a Black Book of Communism has been compiled and everybody is aware of the 
horrors of nazism, popular historians have been surprisingly uninterested in the dark 
side of the British Empire. There are exceptions, such as Mike Davis's powerful Late 
Victorian Holocausts, but much else still lies buried in the academic literature. 
Davis and others have estimated that there were between 12 and 33 million avoidable 
deaths by famine in India between 1876 and 1908, produced by a deadly combination of 
official callousness and free-market ideology. But these were far from being a purely 
Victorian phenomenon. As late as 1943 around 4 million died in the Bengal famine, 
largely because of official policy. 
No one has even attempted to quantify the casualties caused by state-backed forced 
labour on British-owned mines and plantations in India, Africa and Malaya. But we do 
know that tens of thousands of often conscripted Africans, Indians and Malays - men, 
women and children - were either killed or maimed constructing Britain's imperial 
railways. Also unquantified are the numbers of civilian deaths caused by British 
aerial bombing and gassing of villages in Sudan, Iraq and Palestine in the 1920 and 
1930s. 
Nor was the supposedly peaceful decolonisation of the British Empire without its gory 
cruelties. The hurried partition of the Indian subcontinent brought about a million 
deaths in the ensuing uncontrolled panic and violence. The brutal suppression of the 
Mau Mau and the detention of thousands of Kenyan peasants in concentration camps are 
still dimly remembered, as are the Aden killings of the 1960s. But the massacre of 
communist insurgents by the Scots Guard in Malaya in the 1950s, the decapitation of 
so-called bandits by the Royal Marine Commandos in Perak and the secret bombing of 
Malayan villages during the Emergency remain uninvestigated. 
One might argue that these were simply the unfortunate consequences of the arrival of 
economic and political modernity. But does change have to come so brutally? There are 
plenty of examples of wanton British cruelty to chill the blood even of a hardened 
Belgian. Who, after all, invented the concentration camp but the British? The 
scandalous conditions in British camps during the Boer war, where thousands of women 
and children died of disease and malnutrition, are relatively well known. Who now 
remembers the Indian famine-relief-cum-work camps, where gentlemanly British officials 
conducted experiments to determine how few calories an Indian coolie could be fed and 
still perform hard labour? The rations in these camps amounted to less than those at 
Buchenwald. 
There is Churchill's assiduous promotion of schemes to cut the costs of imperial 
defence in India and the Middle East by using aerial bombing, machine gunning and 
gassing for the control of rebellion, political protest, labour disputes and 
non-payment of taxes. There is the denial of free food to starving south Asians on the 
grounds that it would simply hasten a population explosion among India's "feckless 
poor". There is the extraordinary British justification for bombing Sudanese villages 
after the first world war: Nuer women were, officials claimed, of less value to their 
community than cattle or rifles. 
These facts and figures are not easily culled from textbooks on empire. We don't have 
a dedicated museum of empire, but our nearest equivalent, the new Imperial War Museum 
North, would leave the impression that Britain's colonial subjects had been 
enthusiastic participants in its wartime crusades to rid the world of want and evil. 
Does it matter that the British are smug about their imperial past, that British 
atrocities have been airbrushed from history? One can't help thinking that Jack 
Straw's pious missions to India to broker solutions to the Kashmir crisis might have 
more credibility if the British had the good grace to apologise for such imperial 
crimes as the Amritsar massacre. But a more worrying symptom of this rosy glossing of 
the imperial past is the re-emergence of a sort of sanitised advocacy of imperialism 
as a viable option in contemporary international relations. 
The point of cataloguing Britain's imperial crimes is not to trash our forebears, but 
to remind our rulers that even the best-run empires are cruel and violent, not just 
the Belgian Congo. Overwhelming power, combined with a sense of boundless superiority, 
will produce atrocities - even among the well intentioned. Let's not forget that 
Leopold's central African empire was originally called the International Association 
for Philanthropy in the Congo. 
� Maria Misra is lecturer in modern history at Keble College, Oxford. Her history of 
modern India will be published by Penguin next year. 

Guardian Unlimited � Guardian Newspapers Limited 2002 

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