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http://en.rian.ru/analysis/20091117/156876507.html


Russian Information Agency Novosti
November 17, 2009


Elections in Kosovo a turning point
Dmitry Babich


-EU officials are the ones forcing the Serbian government to accept several 
very unpleasant decisions - recognition of the municipal elections in Kosovo, 
dissociation from Russia and pullout of joint energy projects with Russia.
-As for democratic values in the EU policy with regard to Serbia, they are hard 
to believe in, given the EU officials' open sympathies with the Albanian 
militants of the Kosovo Liberation Army. Incidentally, the supporters of two 
KLA leaders, former "prime minister" Ramush Haradinaj and his successor Hashim 
Thaci, caused a violent clash in one of the Albanian enclaves.
-It is worth reminding here that Haradinaj was allowed to leave the Hague 
occasionally "to rule" Kosovo during his trial, while Thaci was eventually 
cleared by the Hague Tribunal of all charges of genocide of Serbs.


MOSCOW: The November 15 municipal elections in Kosovo can be seen as a turning 
point in the region's history.

This was the first vote since Kosovo unilaterally declared independence in 
February 2008, still unrecognized by Russia and a number of other countries. 
Moreover, these elections were also the first to be held by local authorities 
alone, without any help from the UN Mission in Kosovo or the OSCE, which 
virtually ran the place for a long time.

The elections took part with a fairly large turnout of local Serbs at the 
polls. This by no means eliminates the totally unfair situation in Kosovo, 
which Russian President Dmitry Medvedev pointed out during his recent visit to 
Belgrade. When a breakaway region - a self-declared independent state - is 
given the green light to international recognition by none other than the 
United States and the EU, this region knows it is as good as being recognized 
by the whole international community. But this also creates a dangerous 
precedent.

Last Sunday's vote did not have to approve Kosovo's independence. The voters 
had to decide whether it will be further run by Kosovo Albanians alone or local 
Serbs will preserve some political influence at least on the local level, by 
having seats on city halls.

With regard to the national level, the Serbs' chances are close to zero. With 
the Albanian and Serb populations ratio of over 10 to 1 (120,000 Serbs out of 
the nearly 2 million Kosovo population), the Serbs in parliament have 
practically no possibility of setting up a party which would have at least some 
minor influence.

At the November 17, 2007 parliamentary elections, the seats were split between 
Albanian parties. However, the situation is slightly different at the municipal 
level - Serbs have a majority in five city governments out of 38.

Two of them are in the north of Kosovo, adjacent to the Serbian border: They 
have been living virtually independently of the Albanian Kosovo for a while 
now. They did not even hold elections last Sunday. The remaining three - 
Gracanica, Klokot, and Ranilug - are "Serb enclaves" in the center and south of 
Kosovo. Their population had to make a choice: either skip the voting and see 
hostile Albanians as their city council members and the city mayor, or take 
part in the illegitimate elections. According to reports, the majority of the 
local Serbs did go to the polls.

Incidentally, most of the pressure on Serbia to finally choose the lesser of 
two evils comes from the European Union - which Serbia is so keen to join. EU 
officials are the ones forcing the Serbian government to accept several very 
unpleasant decisions - recognition of the municipal elections in Kosovo, 
dissociation from Russia and pullout of joint energy projects with Russia. They 
are using the good old stick and carrot policy, the stick (the tight visa 
policy) being very real, while the carrot (the much-desired EU membership) a 
far-fetched and remote possibility.

Ever the most ardent EU supporter in Serbia, or in Russia for that matter, 
cannot claim that the EU is pursuing some abstract humanistic or democratic 
goals. Due to its tight visa policy, 70% of young Serbs (who, incidentally, 
were too young to take part in the ethnic wars during the breakup of 
Yugoslavia), have never been to any of the EU countries.

According to a survey, the repeated delays of the much-craved EU accession have 
led to a drop in the number of EU-enthusiasts in Serbia from 72% in 2007 to 63% 
by the end of 2008. These data are quoted by Pavel Kandel, a research associate 
of the Institute of Europe of the Russian Academy of Sciences, in the 
collection of articles "Crisis in Kosovo and International Security." These 
figures reflect "the Serbs' last hope pinned on Moscow and their outrage at 
Brussels' anti-Serb policies," he comments.

As for democratic values in the EU policy with regard to Serbia, they are hard 
to believe in, given the EU officials' open sympathies with the Albanian 
militants of the Kosovo Liberation Army. Incidentally, the supporters of two 
KLA leaders, former "prime minister" Ramush Haradinaj and his successor Hashim 
Thaci, caused a violent clash in one of the Albanian enclaves.

It is worth reminding here that Haradinaj was allowed to leave the Hague 
occasionally "to rule" Kosovo during his trial, while Thaci was eventually 
cleared by the Hague Tribunal of all charges of genocide of Serbs.

All the above gives Russia more tools to pressure Belgrade. True, the Serbs 
were disappointed by Boris Yeltsin's Russia, which promised them support in 
1999 and then proposed they give in. But today, EU and NATO officials are in 
fact doing what Russia would have failed to do even if it had supplied the 
Serbs with the S-300 anti-aircraft weapons they were asking for in 1999.

Russia can regain influence in the Balkans not because it is so good, but 
because European bureaucrats have proved far worse.
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