Before the leftists drive me out of Iowa, I'd planned to do my dissertation 
in income tax history, and began to do preliminary research on what the 
Founding Fathers meant by "direct taxes."  I read the The Debate on the 
Constitution and discovered that "direct taxes" seemed to be one of those 
phrases that everybody thought he understood, but that in fact nobody could 
actually define.  At one point during the debate over the limit on federal 
imposition of direct taxes, one of the delegates actually asked "what is a 
direct tax?" and the silence was deafening.

The only definitional reference to direct taxation came in one of the 
Federalist Papers, which historians attribute to Hamilton, in which the 
author said that direct taxes include the poll tax and taxes on real estate, 
slaves "and the like."  In the Hylton case Hamilton  used the same language, 
except that he dropped "and the like."

As near as I can tell the logic behind their definition of direct taxes was 
simply that direct taxes were taxes imposed on things that the delegates 
particularly valued: themselves (poll tax), their real estate (mostly land, 
but buildings too) and their slaves.

David Levenstam

In a message dated 1/13/03 12:53:58 PM, [EMAIL PROTECTED] writes:

<< > In the 1796 Hylton case the Supreme Court accepted Hamilton's view that
> the only direct taxes are the poll tax (a tax on heads, not on voting),
and taxes on real property and slaves constituted direct taxes.  Taxes on
other items were indirect.  (They didn't use the current distinction that
economists often use of direct taxes refering to taxes which the taxpayer
pays directly to the government.) 
> David Levensam

Hamilton was incorrect, as was the Supreme Court.
There is no logical reason why if a tax on a slave is direct, a tax on a
horse is not also direct.  If a tax on a house is direct, why not on a
carriage?  It seems to me that the Supreme Court reasoned illogically that
since the 1790s tax on carriages was not proportioned by population, it was
thus indirect.

I can see the 18th century argument that only a tax on land is direct, as
all other taxes ultimately get shifted to rent (cf. John Locke on
taxation).  But once a tax on slaves and on buildings is designed as
direct, then so too must be taxes on a horse and carriage or any other
property.

Fred Foldvary  >>


Reply via email to