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In Major Projects, Agreeing Not to Disagree
The Jerde Partnership

An artist's rendering of NoHo Commons, a mixed-use project in North
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By TERRY PRISTIN
Published: June 14, 2006

To blunt opposition to its proposed Atlantic Yards project in
Brooklyn, Forest City Ratner promised to make half of the rental units
affordable for low- and moderate-income families.

To gain neighbors' support for its new cancer care center, Yale-New
Haven Hospital agreed to create an outreach program for children with
asthma.

And to smooth the way for its Gateway Center retail project, which
will replace the Bronx Terminal Market, the Related Companies pledged
to bar Wal-Mart as a tenant.

In New York and around the country, it has become standard practice
for developers of major projects to negotiate with neighborhood and
other groups to forge so-called community benefits agreements —
contracts that almost always contain wage and hiring goals and may
also include a grab bag of concessions, like a day care center, a new
park, free tickets to sports events and cash outlays to be
administered by the groups themselves.

In New York, in contrast with many other jurisdictions, the city
itself is not a party to these agreements. Theoretically, at least,
the pacts are not supposed to play a role in the city's zoning review
process.

Since 2001, when a comprehensive community benefits agreement was
struck for a hotel-and-entertainment project now being developed in
Los Angeles next to the Staples Center sports arena, the trend has
quickly spread to other cities, including Denver, Milwaukee, Chicago
and Washington. Advocates of C.B.A.'s, as they are known, see them as
an outgrowth of the Smart Growth movement — the idea that development
decisions should address a broad range of social and economic issues
like transportation, jobs and housing.

In New York, however, some critics are wondering if this trend is
threatening to distort the planning process. They say the danger is
that local groups will agree not to oppose the projects in exchange
for favors that may be unrelated to the project's impact on the
neighborhood.

Critics of the Atlantic Yards (whose developer is a partner to The New
York Times Company in its new headquarters building on Eighth Avenue)
and other agreements have questioned whether the groups signing the
document really speak for the community. "Groups pop up and you're not
sure who they represent," said Patricia A. Jones, the co-chairwoman of
the Manhattan Community Board 9 task force on Columbia University's
expansion in Manhattanville. Ms. Jones contends that development plans
ought to be reviewed by community boards, which are currently excluded
from the C.B.A. process, before the benefits are meted out. "They can
look at the bigger picture," she said.

Ross F. Moskowitz, a real estate partner at the law firm Stroock &
Stroock & Lavan, said developers would like the procedures to be
clearer and more predictable. "The danger of a C.B.A. is that it is
outside the process," he said. "There are no guidelines, no controls.
The transparency is not there. You just don't know what you're walking
into."

In California, leaders of the community benefits movement say New
York's agreements lack the protections that are standard elsewhere.
"In the C.B.A.'s we work on," said Julian Gross, the legal director of
the California Partnership for Working Families, an advocacy group
that has negotiated a number of agreements, "the city is closely
involved in the negotiations. There's no point in the community group
and the developer negotiating a lot of stuff that the city doesn't want."

Outside New York, benefit agreements are usually incorporated into the
developer's agreement with the city, adding another layer of enforcement.

The local redevelopment agency was "intimately involved" in the C.B.A.
that J. H. Snyder, a Los Angeles developer, negotiated for NoHo
Commons, a 1.5-million-square-foot mixed-use project centered on a
subway stop in North Hollywood, said Clifford Goldstein, a senior
partner. "It's a very open process," said Mr. Goldstein, who is
currently working on another C.B.A. for a project in South Los Angeles.

Carl Weisbrod, the president of Trinity Real Estate in New York, said
that the government should be involved in any agreement that pertained
to a subsidized project to ensure that "the services and the
organizations that are being given money to provide the services are
fully in keeping with government priorities."

There are signs that Mayor Michael R. Bloomberg's administration is
rethinking its position on community benefits agreements. A year ago,
it was the mayor himself who trumpeted the Atlantic Yards agreement
between Forest City Ratner and eight community groups.

But in April, the mayor reacted angrily to the suggestion that the
Mets would negotiate a C.B.A. for its new ballpark. "Every development
project in this city is not going to be a horn of plenty for everybody
else that wants to grab something," the mayor said. And while the Mets
agreed after heated discussions with council members from Queens to
contribute $50 million over 20 years to local community groups, no
C.B.A. was signed.

The mayor's office declined requests for interviews with city
officials, saying it was premature to discuss the administration's
plans for C.B.A.'s.

Several land-use specialists said the debate over community benefits
agreements was a throwback to the 1980's, when local groups in New
York often leveraged their support for development projects to get
libraries, parks and other amenities. Critics at that time also said
it was unfair for a community's chance to get a park to hinge on its
ability to attract a deep-pocketed developer, said Margaret P. Stix, a
land-use lawyer.

In an influential 1988 report, the New York City Bar Association said
that some politicians had approved projects solely to get unrelated
benefits, thereby corrupting the zoning process. The lawyers' group
recommended that any amenities promised by a developer have a
reasonable relationship to the project, a practice that successive
administrations adopted, said Jesse Masyr, the lawyer who negotiated
the Bronx Terminal Market agreement.

In the 1990's, Mr. Masyr said, the Giuliani administration barred his
client, the Blumenfeld Development Group, from providing a park to
appease opponents of East River Plaza, a shopping center now under
construction in East Harlem. They reasoned that testimony from people
who had received a benefit unrelated to the project could taint the
zoning review process, he said.

But the current administration has taken a more hands-off approach,
Mr. Masyr said. "I'll tell you what I think is the most dicey part of
this: there's cash involved, money payments to be made. Who monitors
it?" he said. "This is about as unregulated a world as you could imagine."

In California, leaders of the community benefits movement that are
party to an agreement never accept money from the developer, said
Madeline Janis-Aparicio, the executive director of the Los Angeles
Alliance for a New Economy, a nonprofit research group. "No donations
of any kind," she said. She also said it took six months to a year to
pull together a coalition before negotiations could begin. "You can't
skip steps," she said.

Melinda R. Katz, chairwoman of the City Council's land use committee,
said that New York officials were examining how other cities handled
community benefits agreements. "We can probably learn a lot from other
jurisdictions," she said. "And we're in the process of doing that."






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