C'da,
 
I will try and answer your questions (even though you keep passing the buck back to us - without answering ours).
 
>So, rather than me trying to explain the un-explainable, why don't YOU tell us HOW those of you seeking reforms, seeking positive >changes,will go about effecting them? And how it might be different from how things are today.
 
Looking at the problems that Assam/NE faces, we would need to recognize certain things as ground realities. These exist, whether we like it or not. So let me try and list a few if you will.
 
1. Corruption - in Assam as well as in the Center
2. Political push/pull among states for a bigger share
3. Local Assam politicians/bureaucrats are not vested in the state's development for the most part
 
To get rid of these will be next to impossible. But individual states can make their own efforts (even in a 'defunct system'), and reap rewards.
 
4. The idea of Assam's independence or that Assam will be better off (than it is today) is also a pipe dream for both political and pratical reasons.
Politically, it may take another 100 years or so before a 'benevolent' Central Gov. may acquiesce - but who knows - it may happen. Practically its next to impossible because as far as corruption and bureacracy are concerned, Assamese politicians and babus are
less than their Bihari or Delhi brothers (and sisters). After all, in order for Assam to become the independent 'Golden State' (no affront to California), its going to be governed by the same people, probably with no oversight, worse.
 
So, unfortunately, the solution lies with the 'people'. True, they may not possess all the powers in a 'true democracy', but they do have some. The public ofcourse involves people, the media, educators, student groups etc.
 
The people can actually affect changes, by forming citizen groups that even ministers or bureaucrats find difficult to brush off.
 
Lately we see a number of such groups that have forced the GOA to take notice.
I can predict one thing - Assam Bondhos are going to be infrequent - why?
Because the 'public' has now found its voice and people are fed-up.
The same with the GMC - they are atleast trying - with traffic studies, filling up pop-holes and fixing pavements.
Cases of corruption are frequently in the press and people are forced to defend themselves (there is a case of PostMaster General who is seen defending hinself often on charges by the media).
 
Elections: Even if an election results in another corrupt person instead of the incumbent, that is a real scary situation for the gaadhi-holders. I know you don't hold much faith in elections, but thats also a tool that the public has (albeit a bad one, if you will).
 
>Or how such reforms have not come about since the NEED for them translated into the armed uprising a quarter century ago?
 
Let us just say that there was not enough clamoring in those days with the Center. Our politicians only made a bee-line to Delhi and power. Once they left Assam, they became mute spectators of the antics of the Hindi belt politicians.
 
But some people thought that the best way in institute reforms was to start an armed uprising and show Delhi who the boss was. The goals seemed lofty at first. Can't say that any more can we?
For a long time Assamese could blame the GOI, Center, and even the home grown politicians for the state of affairs in the state. But for the last 25 years, you can add insurgency as a big factor to that list. Please don't tell us they don't share some of that blame.
 
--Ram
 
 
 
 
 
 
 


 
On 1/18/06, Chan Mahanta <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> wrote:
>So, now we shouldn't have a desire for reforms? I am perplexed as usual.  :)

 

 
*** I know Ram. I know! It is obviously confounding.

 

 
So, rather than me trying to explain the un-explainable, why don't YOU tell us HOW those of you seeking reforms, seeking positive changes,will go about effecting them? And how it might be different from how things are today. Or how such reforms have not come about since the NEED for them translated into the armed uprising a quarter century ago?

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 
At 11:30 AM -0600 1/18/06, Ram Sarangapani wrote:
So, C'da
 
Whats your prescription to this whole mess?
 
>That is why to assert a desire  for reforms, for positive change, therefore, is an untenable >notion. And explains your observation:
 
So, now we shouldn't have a desire for reforms? I am perplexed as usual.  :)
 
--Ram
 


 
On 1/18/06, Chan Mahanta <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> wrote:
>The trick is to have a regional party in Assam (without any bosses in Delhi) whom people of Assam can trust more >than national parties.

 
**** Thanks. Brilliant idea! Come to think of it, it was staring at my face but never saw it. But that is me!

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 
At 11:17 AM -0600 1/18/06, Rajen Barua wrote:
>It is further complicated by the fact that the election system is rigged in such a way, that the "National" party bosses rule how their stooges at the state level shall >behave. The Assam legislators' election and existence is entirely dependent on the discretion of their bosses and the money bags from Dilli.
 
The trick is to have a regional party in Assam (without any bosses in Delhi) whom people of Assam can trust more than national parties.
RB
 
----- Original Message -----
From: Chan Mahanta
To: Malabika Brahma ; Chan Mahanta ; [email protected] ; Roy, Santanu
Sent: Wednesday, January 18, 2006 11:01 AM
Subject: Re: [Assam] Reforms - The CONCLUSION

Utpal:

>That can be achieved only through an overground political movement . But such changes are not possible without making constitutional amendments

*** That is where the problem lies.

The Catch 22 is in Assam and the NE's  clout, or more precisely their lack of it, in Delhi, where it boils down to numbers. It is further complicated by the fact that the election system is rigged in such a way, that the "National" party bosses rule how their stooges at the state level shall behave. The Assam legislators' election and existence is entirely dependent on the discretion of their bosses and the money bags from Dilli.


>But to force the Parliament pass a bill that makes the first step towards >Federalism will take a lot of effort and ground work at the National Level >(because of the Number game we need to play)

*** That is why to accept the conditions imposed by the Indian constitution is a non-starter . To accept its sanctity, is to admit defeat even before one starts. That is why to assert a desire  for reforms, for positive change, therefore, is an untenable notion. And explains your observation:

>But opposition from the intelligentsia for a meaningful and substantive >government reforms is what is difficult to fathom.


c-da






At 3:54 PM +0000 1/18/06, Malabika Brahma wrote:
Chandan da,
 
>> Similarly on that segment of Assam's establishment  and intelligentsia, who is
>> opposed to meaningful and substantive governmental reforms
>> and  regaining of controls over its resources, either willfully or unwittingly.
 
Opposition from Assam's establishment I can very well understand. But opposition from the intelligentsia for a meaningful and substantive government reforms is what is difficult to fathom.

 
>> One such effort would be by offering ideas for a reformed Assam governance,
>> based on real ( asc opposed to the desi kind) democratic concepts and principles.
 
That can be achieved only through an overground political movement . But such changes are not possible without making constitutional amendments and consititutional amendments are not possible until and unless we build up a national level consensus. Such changes are possible only in a truly Federal India (as opposed to the Federalism Desi kind).
 
But to force the Parliament pass a bill that makes the first step towards Federalism will take a lot of effort and ground work at the National Level (because of the Number game we need to play) . Such ground work can only be accomplished by active involvement of liberal, visionary and articulate citizens of North East and that is where we need the likes of Prof Sanjiv Baruah, Mamoni Roisom Goswami or journalist Sanjoy Hazarika. They understand the problems faced by North East because of a GOI that is entirely dominated by the Cow Belters and but neverthless they have earned some respect and credibility amongst the Think Tankers at all India level. That places them in a position from where they can influence the liberal intelligentsia all over the country for the much needed reforms to the so called Desi Demokrasy. And I think some of the more liberal educational institutes like the JNU or Calcutta University are good places to start the crusade for constitutional reforms.

 
Unless we can win the Number Game, we can never force GOI to make constitutional amendments to achive the kind of federalism that will ensure an exploitation free North East.
 
Utpal


Chan Mahanta <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> wrote:
Hi Santanu:


Of all the analyses, yours make the most sense, and I agree with most of it. I also was not sure how Utpal's points correlate with the ones you make.  But be that as it may, allow me to chime in here:


As I see it, the GOI thinks of negotiations with ULFA as basically a process of waiting till the latter is ready to surrender - the only talk it wants is to check out if they are ready for that - and if that ever happens, they have a stdandard  face saving formula that they will offer - bits of special powers for the state, maybe inner line permit, lots of central funds (to fatten the leaders) and a political process to return them to power in the state elections.

>As I see it, the ULFA has no reason to accept such an offer at this point.


**** I will have to agree with what you observe above.  I harbor similar concerns. The Naga non-negotiations and the stand-still is an example of things to expect.  However what is unknown here is whether ULFA will submit itself to a prolonged period of non-ability to put any pressure on GoI, by resumption of violence again that is, if the talks do not progress. That would be an unfortunate outcome, in which Assam will be the loser. It therefore behooves the people of Assam--at least those who want to see an end to the hostilities with some essential and measurable gains for Assam, to put political/public opinion pressures on GoI . Similarly on that segment of Assam's establishment  and intelligentsia, who is opposed to meaningful and substantive governmental reforms
and  regaining of controls over its resources, either willfully or unwittingly.

________________________________________________________________________________

*** I wrote the above on Monday, on my way back to St.Louis. Since then, we have already seen things changing, like ULFA's notice to OIL ( or was it ONGC? ), and an editorial in the Sentinel of yesterday's, in which it criticizes ( rightly, for a change) the ghee-belly-governor-general's 'bad-cop' talk, contradicting  Delhi's willingness to engage in talks with ULFA for a negotiated settlement of the conflict. While it could be given the benefit of the doubt that Dilli's right hand does not know what its left is doing, a frequent phenomenon, I will be loathe to accept it. It looks more and more like that ol' "good-cop, bad-cop" routine. Does ULFA see the handwriting on the wall? I will have to believe they do, very well.

And it does not bode well.
________________________________________________________________________________

Like we discussed earlier , here arises the importance of a concerted political effort both on ULFA's part as well as that segment of Assam which is sympathetic to ULFA's efforts on behalf of Assam, as an essential concurrent movement.

Reluctantly, I am resigned to the notion that the tiny segment that is beholden to Delhi's interests should be ignored as irrelevant and a complete waste of effort.

But those of us who do care, have an important role to play: To help move the efforts for a negotiated along, by mobilizing public support. One such effort would be by offering ideas for a reformed Assam governance, based on real ( asc opposed to the desi kind) democratic concepts and principles.


c-da
 




At 10:18 PM -0600 1/13/06, Roy, Santanu wrote:
Utpal:
I agree with your vision.
The way I see it - in the short run, there is almost nothing substantive that one can get the GOI to accede to in terms of effective decentralization of power or plebscite or any other adjustment to the political relationship between Delhi and Assam. The babus and polticians that run Delhi are under almost no pressure at all.
Chandan-da suggested that the pressure might come from the fact that New Delhi wants to look like a big world power and carry international prestige & it can't do that with an armed rebellion and suppression of liberty in one part of its country. I actually don't think that India has any such ambition. India want to be China in terms of international leverage. China routinely suppresses even peaceful peasant movements by brute force. International power follows from aggregate economic and military might. It does not require internal democracy or liberty. Countries like today's India, China, current Russia, Iran, Turkey are not very civil (I know I am going to be lynched for saying this)- they do not aim to project their power through moral superiority of their internal social order.

The only way a rebellion in Assam would threaten India's ascendency would be if it made India look unstable. But like Chechnya or even the Kurdish border in Turkey, Assam is almost a detached fringe of Indian society. It cannot destabilize India as of now.

 
Therefore, I see no closure in sight.
I also agree with you that hope lies in history. None of us concievably imagine what the geopolitical map of the world will look like 20 or 30 years from now. To take advantage of historical opportunities (like your third world war), one needs to have a strong civil movement at the grassroot level - a cohesive nationality formation process. That is much harder than armed insurrection.
Santanu.


 


-----Original Message-----
From: [EMAIL PROTECTED] on behalf of Malabika Brahma
Sent: Sat 1/14/2006 10:57 AM
To: [email protected]
Subject: Re: [Assam] Reforms - The CONCLUSION
 
Ram da asked some very practical questions. We all know that the GOI is controlled by politicians who gives a damn if Assam or NE bleeds to death.
  
  Here is the fact (as stressed by Santanu )
  
  Those who control GOI are politicians who care less for the people of Assam and NE and care less for the lives of soldiers that die in NE. So achieving independence through an armed struggle is next to impossible.
  
  The only way independence can be achieved are:
  
  1. By making constitutional amendment to include "instrument of secession" in Indian constitution and influencing upon the GOI to hold a plesbicite in Assam/NE and hope that majority of the people vote for secession. But this can not be achieved unless there is move to build a consensus in the National level.
  
  2. By hoping that a 3rd world war breaks out and GOI finds it impossible to manage the present political India.  Actually in my opinion 2nd world war is what helped India win its independence from the British. It became too expensive for Britain to maintain its colonies because of its involvement in the war.  This again is highly unlikely.
  
  May be Chandan da or Mike da knows some other Practical Means of achieving independence that we are missing.
  
  That's why I think "Independence of Assam/NE is excellent to have but not possible to achieve".  So why build castles in the air ?
  
  But yes, if we can force GOI to hold a plesbicite, that will be the greatest victory. What will be the outcome of the plesbicite , is left to speculation of course.
  
  But one thing we have to understand,  for Government of India , ULFA and NDFB may not count, but for Assam and NE,  they are our boys after all. When one ULFA/NDFB member gets eliminated, one of my brother or sister is getting eliminated.
  
  Utpal

 
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