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*Barack Obama shows steady hand in crisis*

*Last updated September 25, 2008 4:59 p.m. PT*

*By ALBERT R. HUNT*
SYNDICATED COLUMNIST

For the first time since 1932 a presidential election is taking place in the
midst of a genuine financial crisis. The reaction of the candidates was
revealing.

John McCain, railing against the "greed and corruption" of Wall Street, won
the first round of the sound-bite war. He came out with a television
commercial on the "crisis" early on Monday of last week, and over the next
three days gave more than a dozen broadcast interviews. He and Sarah Palin
would reform Wall Street and regulate the nefarious fat cats that caused
this fiasco.

It was a great start. It then went downhill as he stumbled over his record
of championing deregulation, claimed the economy was fundamentally strong,
and flip-flopped over the government takeover of AIG.

For his part, Barack Obama didn't come across as passionately outraged and
wasn't as omnipresent or as specific.

More revealing, though, was to whom both candidates turned on that
panic-ridden morning of Sept. 15, and how the messages evolved before and
after that day.

McCain called Martin Feldstein, the Republican economist and Reagan
administration adviser, John Taylor, who served in President Bush's
Treasury, and Carly Fiorina, once the CEO of Hewlett-Packard Co.

Obama called former Fed Chairman Paul Volcker, and former Treasury
Secretaries Robert Rubin and Larry Summers.

It was a mismatch.

Feldstein, for all his intellect, was ineffective in the Reagan
administration; then-White House deputy chief of staff Dick Darman cut him
out of important action. Volcker, first at the Treasury and then as chairman
of the Federal Reserve, was a towering figure.

Taylor is a well-regarded academic. In four years as undersecretary of the
Treasury, he left few footprints. Summers, as both deputy secretary and
secretary, left a lot.

Fiorina is smart and quick; to put it charitably, Rubin will forget more
about financial markets than she'll ever know.

When it comes to governance, and either Obama or McCain will inherit this
miserable financial mess, the best guide is who they talked to, what they
said, where they've been and how knowledgeable they are.

Obama's record and earlier speeches belie some of his more populist
rhetoric. Yet they also suggest, as do his advisers, a much more activist
government role than is likely under a McCain-Palin administration.

Obama called for the overhaul of the financial-regulatory system and tougher
enforcement well before last week's traumas.

Detached observers who watched him last week, especially in a Bloomberg
Television interview, were taken by how conversant and comfortable he was on
the subject, despite his thin record. Few detached observers came away with
that impression watching the Arizona senator.

Much of the re-regulatory fever focuses on the Federal Reserve and any new
agencies created to clean up the fiasco. Central, however, will be a more
vigorous Securities and Exchange Commission, or whatever holds that
investor-protection function.

McCain displayed a sudden interest in the SEC last week when he demanded
that Chairman Chris Cox be fired. When his campaign was asked if the senator
had ever criticized the current commission's performance before, they failed
to respond.

Three ex-SEC chairmen, a Democrat, Arthur Levitt, and two Republicans, David
Ruder and Bill Donaldson, have endorsed Obama. Levitt is a board member of
Bloomberg LP, the parent company of Bloomberg News.

Donaldson, who was tapped by Bush to head the SEC, says Obama called him
last year about the financial-regulatory problems. He has never heard from
McCain.

"Obama has been talking about the need for better financial regulation well
before this crisis hit and has done some real thinking about it," says
Donaldson, a lifelong Republican. "McCain comes across as someone who
suddenly realized changes have to be made."

There is a case for McCain: It's if you believe in less regulation, that the
government should get out of the way and let the markets work their will.

"I don't think anyone who wants to increase the burden of government
regulation and high taxes has any real understanding of economics," McCain
said this spring, when he also declared "the fundamentals of our economy are
good."

Until recently, he repeatedly invoked Ronald Reagan's calls for less
regulation. He voted for the 2002 Sarbanes-Oxley corporate-governance
regulations -- then last year said he regretted that vote.

McCain isn't averse to some regulations. He has strongly championed a
greater federal role in campaign finance, tobacco and boxing. In each case,
he saw a clear villain -- special- interest money, a tobacco product that
puts profits ahead of lives, and unscrupulous boxing promoters.

There has been little evidence prior to last week that he ever put financial
firms in this category. Although he assailed excessive corporate
compensation last week, McCain has opposed a tepid House-passed bill that
would give corporate shareholders the right to cast a nonbinding vote on
compensation of top executives.

The person he has turned to most for counsel on such matters is his
ex-Senate colleague Phil Gramm. Gramm is a political Gordon Gekko, a brainy
economist with a Darwinian view of markets and public policy.

It's not easy to remember what the financial world looked like 10 days ago,
much less 10 months ago. Decisions that will be reached after this election
will be the most important since the 1930s.

Obama, as more than a few Democrats are complaining, hasn't been as quick,
sharp -- or demagogic -- as they would like. McCain has been beset by deeper
difficulties: an inchoate and inconsistent message that seems to reflect
political exigencies more than principled convictions.

On the financial crisis, the week belonged to Obama.

------------------------------

*Albert R. Hunt is the executive editor for Washington at Bloomberg News.*

-- 
"Usually when people are sad, they don't do anything. They just cry over
their condition. But when they get angry, they bring about a change."
- Malcolm X, Malcolm X Speaks, 1965

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