The bombing began on the night of 18 March, 1969 with a raid by 60 B-52 
Stratofortress bombers, based at Andersen Air Force Base, Guam. The target was 
Base Area 353, the supposed location of COSVN in the Fishhook. Although the 
aircrews were briefed that their mission was to take place in the South 
Vietnam, 48 of the bombers were diverted across the Cambodian border and 
dropped 2,400 tons of bombs. The mission was designated Breakfast, after the 
morning Pentagon planning session at which it was devised.
Breakfast was so successful that General Abrams provided a list of 15 more 
known Base Areas for targeting. During the next 14 months the operation 
continued. The five remaining missions that made up the operation and their 
targets were: Lunch (Base Area 609), Snack (Base Area 351), Dinner (Base Area 
352), Supper (Base Area 740), and Dessert (Base Area 350). SAC flew 3,800 B-52 
sorties against these targets, and dropped 108,823 tons of ordnance during the 
missions. Due to the continued reference to gastronomic situations in the 
codenames, the entire series of missions was referred to as Operation Menu. 
Assessment of bomb damage to the targets was difficult to obtain, due to the 
covert nature of the operation. Instead of utilizing Air Force aircraft for the 
missions, SOG forward air controllers were tasked with obtaining intelligence 
on target damage.
Nixon and Kissinger went to great lengths to keep the missions secret. The 
expansion of the American effort into "neutral" Cambodia was sure to cause 
serious debate in Congress, negative criticism in the media, and were sure to 
spark anti-war protests on American college campuses. In order to prevent this, 
an elaborate dual reporting system covering the missions had been formulated 
during the Brussels meeting between Nixon, Haig, and Colonel Sitton.
First, the number of individuals who had complete knowledge of the operation 
was kept to a bare minimum. All communications concerning the missions was 
split along two paths - one route was overt, ordering typical B-52 missions 
that were to take place within South Vietnam near the Cambodian border - the 
second route was covert, utilizing back-channel messages between commanders 
ordering the classified missions. For example: General Abrams would request a 
Menu strike. His request went to Admiral John McCain, the Commander-in-Chief, 
Pacific Command (CINCPAC), in Honolulu. McCain forwarded it to the Joint Chiefs 
in Washington, who, after reviewing it, passed it on to Secretary of Defense 
Melvin Laird (who might consult with the president). The Joint Chiefs then 
passed the command for the strike to General Bruce K. Holloway, Commander of 
SAC, who then notified Lieutenant General Alvin C. Gillem, Commander of the 3rd 
Air Division on Guam.
During this time Air Force Major Hal Knight was supervising an MSQ-77 Combat 
Skyspot radar site at Bien Hoa Air Base, RVN. "Skyspot" was a ground directed 
bombing system which directed B-52 strikes to targets in Vietnam. Each day a 
courier plane would arrive from SAC's Advanced Echelon Office at Tan Son Nhut 
Air Base near Saigon. Knight was given a revised list of target coordinates for 
the next day's missions. That evening, the coordinates were fed into Olivetti 
Programma 101 computers and then relayed to the aircraft as they came on 
station. Only the pilots and navigators of the aircraft (who had been 
personally briefed by General Gillem and sworn to secrecy) knew of the true 
location of the targets. The bombers then flew on to their targets and 
delivered their payloads.
After the air strikes, Knight gathered the mission paperwork, computer tapes 
etc, destroying them in an incinerator. He then called a special phone number 
in Saigon and reported that "The ball game is over." The aircrews filled out 
routine reports of hours flown, fuel burned, and ordnance dropped. This dual 
system maintained secrecy and provided Air Force logistics and personnel 
administrators with information that they needed to replace air crews or 
aircraft and replenish stocks of fuel and munitions.
Although Sihanouk was not informed by the U.S. about the operation, he did 
remain quiet about the illegal bombing of his country. His silent acquiescence 
may have been prompted by a desire to see PAVN/NLF forces out of Cambodia, 
since he himself was precluded from pressing them too hard. After the event, it 
was claimed by Nixon and Kissinger that Sihanouk had given his tacit approval 
for the raids, but this claim has since been disproved. On 9 May 1969, an 
inaccurate article by military reporter William Beecher describing the bombing 
was run in the New York Times. Beecher claimed that an unnamed source within 
the administration had provided the information. Nixon was furious when he 
heard the news and ordered Dr. Kissinger to obtain the assistance of FBI 
Director J. Edgar Hoover and discover the source of the leak.. Hoover suspected 
Kissinger's own NSC aide, Mortin Halperin, of the deed and so informed 
Kissinger. Halperin's phone was then illegally tapped
 for 21 months. This was the first in a series of illegal surveillance 
activities authorized by Nixon in the name of national security. The 
administration was relieved when no other significant press reports concerning 
the operation appeared.
By the summer, five members of the United States Congress had been informed of 
the operation. They were: Senators John C. Stennis (MS) and Richard B. Russell, 
Jr. (GA) and Representatives Lucius Mendel Rivers (SC), Gerald R. Ford (MI), 
and Leslie C. Arends (IL). Arends and Ford were leaders of the Republican 
minority and the other three were Democrats on either the Armed Services or 
Appropriations committees.
For those in Washington who were cognizant of the Menu raids, the silence of 
one participant came as a surprise. The Hanoi government made no protest 
concerning the bombings. It neither denounced the raids for propaganda 
purposes, nor, according to Dr. Kissinger, did its negotiators "raise the 
matter during formal or secret negotiations." North Vietnam had no wish to 
either void Cambodia's neutrality or to acknowledge the presence of their 
forces there.


      
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