To all my dear respectable Khmer who are living inside Cambodia and around the 
world. If you don't want Khmer kandal, Khmer Phnom Penh or Khmer 
Angkor to lost our land, our true Khmer citizen to become like Khmer 
Krom, I suggest you to inform all Khmer who are living around the world 
to join as an active membership with Mr. HOEUN HACH master of Physiology in USA 
(telephone +1 651 428 0502. Email: 
<[email protected]>) and his organization called 
INTERNATIONAL KHMER ASSEMBLY (I K A) at 1404 Concordia Avenue, #200 
Saint Paul, Minnesota 55104, USA, their telephone is +1 612 437 4309 who are 
looking to revive Khmer from WEAK to STRONG, from UNDEMOCRATIC to 
DEMOCRATIC, from abused of HUMAN RIGHT to respect of HUMAN RIGHT, from 
COMMUNISM to a FREE WILL country.  The most importantly since April 2012 
Minnesota State in USA have recognized all Khmer Veteran who had 
assisted and associated with American Arm Forces during and after 
Vietnam War.  Can you all please make an inquiry and join them if you 
would not mind, OK.
 
Regards,


Kulen Monorom
Ta Ruos Village, 
Krabey Real Commune,
Krong & Khet Siem Reap,
Cambodia
Tel: +61 469 345 567
Email: [email protected]
Skype: woodhyapdg


On Wednesday, 25 June 2014 10:08 AM, PuppyXpress <[email protected]> wrote:
 





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---------- Forwarded message ----------
From: Gaffar Peang-Meth <[email protected]>
Date: Sun, Jun 22, 2014 at 10:18 PM
Subject: Fwd: CAMBODIA: Hun Sen's days are limited; can CNRP improve?
To: 






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FOR PUBLICATION
AHRC-ETC-014-2014
June 23, 2014
An article byDr.Gaffar
Peang-Methpublished by the Asian Human Rights
Commission
CAMBODIA: Hun Sen's
days are limited; can CNRP improve?

Last month I was, again, hopeful as leaders of the
opposition Cambodia National Rescue Party and ruling
Cambodian People's Party announced their respective desire
to end the 10-month political deadlock. Subsequently, the
working group that has met periodically to discuss solutions
to the political stalemate convened on June 12. A skeptic, I
thought this might just be another round of the chakk'bach choreography of the 
Khmer Ramvong circle dance, even as I reminded myself that eventually any
dancer must take a seat.
The talks failed as the CPP wants members of the National
Election Commission to be selected by an absolute majority
of members in the National Assembly while the CNRP insists
upon a two-thirds majority. Each side blames the other for
the failure of the working group to settle these
differences. Behind it lies a positive occurrence ignored by
many.
The Phnom Penh Postreported a "parliamentary
power-sharing" agreement has been reached, according to
CNRP whip Son Chhay: The CNRP agreed to accept the first
vice presidency of the National Assembly and chairmanships
of five of 10 parliamentary commissions; and there are
"ongoing" discussions to reform the National
Assembly's internal rules to enable the opposition to
function effectively. One is reminded of CNRP lawmaker-elect
Mu Sochua's statement on her website regarding Sam Rainsy's
sacrifice to "dance with the devil" for the Khmer
nation's sake.
On June 20, CNRP Vice President KemSokha told visiting UN
special rights envoy Surya Subedi that the CNRP will not
join the National Assembly until the NEC is reformed in
order to avoid being "ignored" by the ruling
party. The Ramvongchakk'bach goes on.
While I see in the "power-sharing" deal an
encouraging sign of CNRP's political pragmatism and
maturity, I wonder if this apparent solution isn't too
little and too late. The longer CNRP seats in the National
Assembly remain vacant, the more irrelevant the institution
(and the CNRP) become. For Premier Hun Sen, seat vacancies
don't matter anymore. He and his government will continue
their work, regardless. Significantly, though international
actors are not happy with a government in which half the
seats in parliament are empty, they continue to do business
with the Premier and the government opposition leaders
insist is "illegitimate."
Hun Sen's days are limited, yet…
Premier Hun Sen successfully orchestrates executive,
legislative, and judicial powers.  The premier has long
demonstrated political cunning and an instinct for survival.
Aware that after 30 years in power, his days of dominance
are waning, he manipulates election results and comes down
hard on the thousands who have engaged in political
protests, limiting their access to conspicuous venues and
inserting undercover operatives to keep book on
participants.
Hun Sen likely suspects that he would not win a free and
fair election.  Even supporters of the regime acknowledge
that 35 years of CPP governance is enough.  The climate of
hunger, ignorance, and fear – khliean, khlao,
khlach – must be dislodged.  Hun Sen is not blind
to the writing on the wall. As Khmer is a culture of face,
he cannot allow himself to be hauled out of office by an
opposition that has many flaws. Yet he is likely to be
defeated in 2018 if the CNRP can present itself as a
credible alternative to the CPP.
Credibility
The CNRP, however, particularly in the person of Vice
President KemSokha, diminishes the party's credibility and
foments national discord when, as Sokha did on June 4, it
initiates unsubstantiated allegations that Vietnam
orchestrated the KohPich bridge stampede in Cambodia's
annual Water Festival in November 2010 that killed 353
people in a plot to "eliminate the Khmer race,
tradition and culture." In an earlier demonstration of
disregard for facts, Sokha told The Diplomat in an
interview that (Khmer) politicians need to tell their
audience what the latter wants to hear.
Sokha is not alone in making assertions that ultimately
serve to delegitimize the CNRP. On June 8, CNRP President
Sam Rainsy was quoted by The Cambodia Daily as saying
that he had information from "internal sources in the
CPP" that Premier Hun Sen suffered a massive stroke,
was rushed to Phnom Penh's Calmette Hospital, and then flown
to Singapore for treatment. News spread like wildfire
through cyberspace, especially among Cambodian expatriates,
the CNRP's major financial and political backers. Some
Cambodians intervened by posting appeals on the Internet
against spreading such rumor. One posting advised, this
rumor may even be initiated by the CPP to destroy the CNRP's
reputation and credibility. A Cambodian in Phnom Penh
lamented, it's this kind of "rumormongering" that
the regime can use to justify its need for a Cyber Law.
While there are internal divisions in both political
parties, CNRP supporters are notorious for slandering
leaders and members of the ruling party whom they accuse of
being servants of the "yuon" (Vietnamese) and
traitors to the Khmer nation who should be put on trial for
treason. True democracy welcomes all perspectives, a
pluralism necessary for the development and health of a
democracy. Alas, self-proclaimed CNRP supporters regularly
engage publicly in backbiting and infighting. The fusion of
the Sam Rainsy Party and the Human Rights Party led by
KemSokha, to form the present CNRP has brought enormous
strength to the opposition. While Rainsy and Sokha have no
choice but to remain together, the followers of each side
have not moved beyond their original allegiances to the
individual leaders, a weakness exploited by the CPP.
Many Internet postings have called on CNRP supporters to
stop their public quarrels. Recently, I was impressed by a
posted discourse, "The dumbing down of Cambodia."
It discusses how "uneducated people attempt to lead
groups of lesser educated people." The essay encourages
"Khmer nation lovers" to look into the mirror:
"You will know that you are an extremist if you boycott
existing rules; protest anything that doesn't support your
beliefs and values; refuse to compromise with different
values; hold meetings in private places; spread rumors about
others; you make deliberate (and calculated) attempts to
divide people; or you lie to others in order to defame or
de-characterize another so to make your ideology/opinion
superior." The writer advises, "We don't need
unity from extremists."
I was privileged to have received an e-mail
fromPhievTonghim, who holds a Master's degree in sociology
and anthropology from Phnom Penh's Royal University.
Phievgave me permission to use his real name. He believes
"the new wave of young people … can lead the
country toward real democracy, human rights and
justice"; that they are "educated in new ideas and
contemporary style of leadership rather than
communism." "In today's Cambodia, young people
dare to exercise their rights everywhere, to change from the
old self-egoism and selfishness behaviors to cooperation and
compromise in order to reach the Khmer nation's higher
goals."
Upper-hand, under-hand 
As he put the lie to Sam Rainsy's declaration that Hun
Sen had suffered a stroke, the premier appeared publicly
and, in a speech on June 10 in Kampot province, announced
that CPP members of the National Assembly have acted to make
the National Election Commission a formal body enshrined in
the national constitution, as the CNRP had demanded; and
further, he said the CNRP shall now have its own television
station.
Having thus extended the carrot, Hun Sen brought forth
the stick. He announced that the CPP government will
continue to function even without elected CNRP lawmakers in
the National Assembly; CNRP members who continue to boycott
the Assembly, who "continue to provoke problems,"
will be arrested. The CNRP's demand for a new election in
2016 will not be granted. Rather, the election will occur
five months earlier than scheduled – in February 2018.
"Don't hope for a re-vote before 2018 … You join
the National Assembly or not, it's up to you."
Additionally, as reported by the Associated Press, Hun
Sen asserted: "In case I had a massive stroke as was
reported, you please should pack up your things and flee
… The ability to command all armed forces belongs to
only one person" – Premier Hun Sen himself. And
he said he intended to live for another 30 years!
But it is not for Premier Hun Sen to decide how much
longer he will remain in power. No government can remain in
office without the support of the people. Ultimately, the
CPP government will not be able to function if popular
support continues to erode. The day the people approve of an
opposition party as a credible alternative to the status
quo, they will energize a "Khmer Spring" that
neither Hun Sen nor his armed forces can stop. Hun Sen's
authority will be usurped when the political opposition
convinces voters that the opposition is prepared to put a
functional, inclusive government in place.  Think about
it.
The AHRC is not responsible for the views shared in
this article, which do not necessarily reflect its
own.

About the Author:

 Dr. Gaffar
Peang-Meth is retired from the University of Guam, where he
taught political science for 13 years. He currently lives in
the United States. He can be reached at [email protected]. 




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