Yeah, it is kinda odd, come to think of it.
 
I remember  in 1993 when Hillary's Big Plan was being debated
Time magazine ran a major feature about the alternative GOP plans.
If the Clinton WH had been willing to adopt at least a few Republican
ideas they could have walked away with a really decent health care  package
 
Needless to say, with their majorities in both houses it went to their  
heads
and they got nothing at all because of their demands.
 
Reagan, who I generally dislike, nonetheless had the smarts to know  when
he needed to make deals and he got all sorts of things otherwise
out of reach if he had insisted on some sort of purist agenda..
 
Its pretty hard to make 1 : 1  comparisons between the parties, though.
The official leadership of the GOP ever since Reagan has had the view  that
compromises with the Dems are no problem as long as they get half a  loaf.
 
Trouble is that you end up with wishy washy leaders, especially George  II,
at least if you look at his admin after about 2004 / 2005. In other  words,
maybe the actions of the Dems can be explained to good effect because
of the simple fact that experience has taught them that they can  bully
the Reps and get away with it.
 
About this, it is a weakness of conservatism that, by its nature, it is  the
brake pedal to the accelerator of the Left. So far, no modern era  
conservative
leader who not only understands conservatism but who also is smart  enough
and courageous enough to stick to his guns . The one exception of  smartness
and a possible presidential run is Newt, but he comes replete with
so many skeletons in his closet that we can forget about him, I'm  pretty 
sure.
 
Palin is a phenomenon, but she has a really steep learning curve ahead of  
her
and I'm not exactly optimistic that she is up to the challenge.
 
Who does this leave ?  There are smart people like Lugar and Jindal,  and 
maybe
Jindal will run, but , much as I like him, so far he seems like a  
light-weight.
As for Lugar, he has zero interest in the WH.
 
Any ideas ?
 
Billy
 
---------------------------------------------------------------
 
 
In a message dated 9/27/2009 2:58:37 P.M. Pacific Daylight Time,  
[email protected] writes:

The Republicans have 4 health care reform packages  themselves. When has 
anyone heard of them? When have they garnered one breath  of air on a TV news 
show or more than a sentence in a local newspaper? The  Republicans are the 
"party of no" to Obama and the fawning media and the  Democrats (but I 
repeat myself). The Democrats and the media (again, I repeat  myself) want to 
hang any failure of Obama care on the Republicans by  maintaining that they 
have no alternatives, so they bury the alternatives in  committee and say they 
don't exist. The state run media willingly  (enthusiastically?) carries 
their water. 

The Democrats are the party  of "my way or he highway" or "my way or we'll 
have union thugs beat you up."  

David

  _   
 
"There  is no virtue in compulsory government charity, and there is no 
virtue in  advocating it. A politician who portrays himself as "caring" and 
"sensitive"  because he wants to expand the government's charitable programs is 
merely  saying that he's willing to try to do good with other people's 
money. Well,  who isn't? And a voter who takes pride in supporting such 
programs 
is telling  us that he'll do good with his own money -- if a gun is held to 
his  head."--P. J.  O'Rourke



[email protected]_ (mailto:[email protected])  wrote:  
 
True enough as of 2009, but it doesn't take too much memory to  think
back a few years to a time when, while not "just like now,"  nonetheless
was hardly a period of GOP saintliness and we should all be a happy  family
and co-operate like good citizens.
 
I do recall, for example,  Lee Atwater and some other "noble"  characters.
 
I think you are usually right, that Dems more often ( sometimes way too  
often )
expect the Reps to cave, but it hasn't exactly been 100 % one way over  the 
years.
 
But this is almost to beg the question. The Reps did cave on a fairly  
regular basis.
The Dems rather less.. Therefore let us ask, why in hell did the Reps  play
footsie ? This was especially the case with "social issues."  Although
when it came to corruption, well, they proved to be every bit as  "good"
as the Dems.
 
At least in principle I am willing to say that has been vaguely  equivalent
partisanship on both sides. Yes,there has been a tilt, never better  than 
55 - 45
and some years significantly worse than that. Still, I can't get overly  
rhapsodic 
about the virtues of the Republican Party. If they aren't as bad as the  
Dems
they're usually bad enough to make me wanna puke
 
How I see it, anyway
 
Billy
 
----------------------------------------------------------------------------
-
 
 
 
In a message dated 9/26/2009 9:34:18 P.M. Pacific Daylight Time, 
[email protected]_ (mailto:[email protected])   writes:

The Republican definition of  bipartisanship would be when a Republican 
gives in to a Democrat. It's a  one way street. Many are refusing to travel it 
any more. 

Bush and  Kennedy collaborated on the No Child Left Behind act and the 
Medicare  Prescription plan. At the time, the Democrats complained about the 
high  cost. They later complained that they weren't adequately funded.  

Since it is a "damned if you do, damned if you don't" situation,  why play 
the game? 

David

  _   
 
"There  is no virtue in compulsory government charity, and there is no 
virtue in  advocating it. A politician who portrays himself as "caring" and  
"sensitive" because he wants to expand the government's charitable  programs is 
merely saying that he's willing to try to do good with other  people's 
money. Well, who isn't? And a voter who takes pride in supporting  such 
programs 
is telling us that he'll do good with his own money -- if a  gun is held to 
his head."--P. J.  O'Rourke



[email protected]_ (mailto:[email protected])   wrote:  
National Journal
 
The Lost Middle Ground
Bipartisanship is now studied as a relic of a bygone  era, much the way 
paleontologists pore over dinosaur bones.
by _Charlie Cook_ (mailto:[email protected])  
Saturday, Sept. 26, 2009
Recently, I had the honor of delivering the inaugural lecture at the  Joe 
D. Waggonner Center for Bipartisan Politics and Public Policy at  Louisiana 
Tech University. The center is named after a conservative  Democrat from 
northern Louisiana who served in the House for 18 years,  from 1961 to 1979, 
and 
sat on the Ways and Means Committee. 
The bipartisanship common in Waggonner's day is now studied as a  relic of 
a bygone era, almost the way archaeologists and paleontologists  pore over 
ancient remains or dinosaur bones. That's a sad sign of how  much things have 
changed or, to put it more accurately,  deteriorated. 
Neither party is solely to blame for the loss of this lubricating  agent, 
which helped the legislative machinery function. Every time  Democrats picked 
off a liberal or moderate Republican lawmaker in the  Northeast or Midwest, 
every time Republicans picked off a conservative  or moderate Democrat in 
the South or some rural district in the Midwest,  and every time members of 
Congress unwilling to march in lockstep with  their party finally opted just 
to retire, the change chipped away at  bipartisanship. 
Americans seem to sense this: A new NBC News/Wall Street  Journal poll 
found that 22 percent of respondents blame Republicans  for the partisanship in 
Washington these days and 15 percent blame  Democrats, but a whopping 61 
percent say that the parties are equally  unwilling to compromise and try to 
find a middle ground. 
When I first came to Washington in September 1972, Congress abounded  with 
conservative and moderate Democrats, as well as liberal and  moderate 
Republicans. These lawmakers provided the ballast that  prevented their parties 
from going to extremes. They kept the Democrats  from driving into the ditch 
on the left and steered Republicans away  from the one on the right. 
Certainly, some Democrats did not appreciate Waggonner's close  friendship 
with President Nixon. Indeed, the Bayou State lawmaker was  dubbed 
"President Nixon's favorite Democrat." But he was a force to be  reckoned with. 
These are tough times to play key roles, as Senate Finance Committee  
Chairman Max Baucus, D-Mont., can surely attest. I wonder whether even  some of 
the Finance panel's greatest chairmen -- Democrats Russell Long  and Lloyd 
Bentsen, for example, or Republican Bob Dole -- would find it  impossible to 
excel in this poisonous environment. 
Talking with a conservative House Democrat from the South recently, I  
commented that it must be horrible to go home and get beaten about the  head 
and 
shoulders by angry constituents. He added, "And then come back  here and 
get beaten up in my own caucus." His remark reminded me of  hearing a moderate 
Republican senator talk last year of being somewhat  ostracized at a 
Tuesday Conference lunch after breaking ranks on a  vote. 
Some analysts have long embraced campaign finance reform as the  cure-all 
for so many of our nation's political ills. But an equal or  better case 
could be made for redistricting reform, for removing  partisan politics from 
the 
drawing of congressional district lines -- as  Iowa has done. That 
transformation wouldn't solve every problem, but a  process that resulted in 
more 
lawmakers being attuned to swing voters  would temper both parties in the 
House. 
Redistricting reform might well have an indirect impact on the  Senate, 
where much of the enmity is the result of extremely partisan  House members 
becoming senators and bringing their hard-edged,  take-no-prisoners behavior 
with them. 
The statistics are clear: There is more straight-ticket voting now  than in 
the past. Few voters seem to value electing a candidate with the  
willingness and temperament to reach across the aisle. When President  George 
W. 
Bush's policies and politics became unpopular,  moderate-to-liberal Republicans 
were the ones who paid the highest price  at the ballot box in 2006 and 
2008. 
Likewise, if President Obama or congressional Democrats are out of  favor 
in November 2010, conservative-to-moderate Democrats will lose in  far 
greater numbers than their liberal colleagues. And the cycle of  
hyperpartisanship 
will continue.
 
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