Lyndon Baines  Obama  
by _Jed  Babbin_ 
(http://www.humanevents.com/search.php?author_name=Jed+Babbin)  _(more by this 
author)_ 
(http://www.humanevents.com/search.php?author_name=Jed+Babbin) 
Posted 10/05/2009 ET



Deciding the right strategy begins with asking  the right question.  When 
the White House was waltzing McChrystal  around trying to find a way to talk 
him out of his request for more  troops, I questioned the wisdom of applying 
the Petraeus counterinsurgency  strategy which worked in Iraq -- 
temporarily -- to Afghanistan. Where,  because the nation is 50% bigger, and in 
there 
is no significant Afghan  uprising against the Taliban as there was in Iraq 
against al-Quaida, the  strategy couldn’t work.

Since then, it’s become clear that the  White House will try to compromise 
McChrystal’s request for 40,000 more  troops in favor of a smaller buildup 
or no buildup at all.

There is  no course more dangerous to the lives of our troops  -- and our  
future security -- than to do what President Obama clearly wants to do:  
apply Lyndon Johnson’s failed brand of indecisive warfare to  Afghanistan.

In the opening pages of We Were Soldiers Once, and  Young, Joe Galloway and 
retired General Hal Moore tell the story of  Gen. Harold K. Johnson, then 
army chief of staff, who drove to the White  House to resign in protest of 
President Johnson’s order that the Airmobile  Division go to Vietnam, making 
it an American war.   

General Johnson believed that the deployment -- without a  declaration of 
emergency that meant a full-scale national effort to win --  was, according 
to the book, “an act of madness.”  But at the White  House gate, the general’
s resolve failed him. He pinned his stars back on  his shoulders and drove 
back to the Pentagon.  As Galloway and Moore  wrote, the change of mind 
haunted him for the rest of his days.

If  President Obama decides to pare back McChrystal’s request for  
reinforcements and a new strategy -- focused on the Afghan population in  the 
classic counterinsurgency mold -- both General McChrystal and his  boss, 
General 
David H. Petraeus, will face the same moment that Harold  Johnson did on July 
28, 1965.  

I never knew Harold Johnson  and do not know Stanley McChrystal.  I have 
met David Petraeus many  times and -- though I don’t know him as one would 
know a friend -- I  believe him to be a man of principle who would not 
participate in a  strategy he knows is doomed to fail, wasting many young 
American 
lives in  the process.  

President Obama apparently knows this, and for that reason has  been 
avoiding a decision on Afghanistan.  He sees the stories about  the climbing 
number of casualties in Afghanistan, one in the Washington  Post proclaiming 
Afghanistan “Almost a Lost Cause.”  His  administration has blocked Republican 
efforts to obtain congressional  testimony by McChrystal and Petraeus on the 
Afghanistan situation.  

Petraeus hasn’t openly endorsed McChrystal’s request for more  troops, but 
McChrystal wouldn’t have gone forward without his private  endorsement.

Obama will craft some sort of compromise designed to  buy the generals’ 
support. They apparently anticipate that he’ll offer  something such as the 
full number of troops McChrystal requests but only  for a short time, probably 
one year.  That’s the time in which  McChrystal’s 30 August report says we 
may lose Afghanistan to the Taliban  if we don’t revise our strategy and 
provide the resources to implement  it.

But seeing this moment coming, Petraeus and McChrystal have  been preparing 
the media battlefield.  Failing to gain the  president’s attention, 
McChrystal took his argument to CBS’ “Sixty  Minutes” and to a think tank 
speech 
in London.  Answering whether  he’d compromise for a smaller troop increase, 
McChrystal said, “The short  answer is: no. You have to navigate from where 
you are, not where you wish  to be. A strategy that does not leave 
Afghanistan in a stable position is  probably a short-sighted strategy."

Petraeus, too, made a very  unusual statement.   Last week, America’s most 
highly-respected  general said that our goals in Afghanistan will have to be 
changed --  meaning adjusted downward - if the president rejects the 
strategy  revisions and increased resources he and McChrystal say are  needed.

The prospect of either McChrystal or Petraeus (or both)  resigning poses an 
enormous problem for Obama. His spending spree, the  continued rise in 
unemployment and the Obamacare mess in congress is  reflected in slipping poll 
numbers and rising public doubts about his  ability to govern.  If McChrystal 
resigns, it will be devastating. If  Petraeus joins McChrystal in 
resignation, Obama may have created an  opponent who could defeat him in 2012.

Obama and his team should  study carefully the last incident in which an 
American general resigned on  principle.  

July 27, 1997 was a very different day than July  28, 1965.  Air Force 
Chief of Staff Gen. Ronald Fogelman asked the  Secretary of the Air Force 
Sheila 
Widnall to relieve him of his duty and  allow him to retire a year before 
he was scheduled to do so.   Fogelman  -- who many remember for his 
courageous stand against the  senate on the Kelly Flinn matter -- resigned over 
the 
refusal of Secretary  Widnall to promote Brig. Gen. Terry Schwalier.

Flinn -- a female  B-52 pilot -- had been fired for lying to her commanding 
officer about a  love affair she’d had with the husband of an enlisted 
woman.   Attacked in a senate hearing over the firing, Fogelman stood up to  
then-Sen. Trent Lott and insisted that she was fired not for being a woman  or 
having an illicit affair but because she lied to her commander.   Fogelman 
won that one.

But he lost when he insisted that Schwalier  -- the commander of the Saudi 
facility at which the al-Quida bombing of  the Khobar Towers killed 19 
American servicemen -- was denied  promotion.  Fogelman, after an 
investigation, 
determined that  Schwalier did everything a commander could have done to 
prevent it, but  Widnall insisted someone be held accountable. She chose  
Schwalier.

In a 1997 interview, Fogelman talked about his many  frustrations with the 
civilian leadership, ranging from fact-defying  decisions on force structure 
to Flinn to Schwalier.

Widnall’s  decision on Schwalier was the last straw.  Fogelman said, “As 
chief  of staff of the United States Air Force, charged with providing 
military  advice to the civilian leadership that the civilian leadership did 
not  
value for whatever reason, I had become ineffective as a spokesman. This  
was a crowd that took any kind of military advice that ran counter to  
administration policy or desires as a sign of disloyalty on the part of  the 
person 
providing the advice. That was one element; the other was based  on what I 
had seen and the way the Khobar Towers tragedy had been handled.  I simply 
lost respect and confidence in the leadership that I was supposed  to be 
following.”

McChrystal and Petraeus are guilty only of trying  to answer the wrong 
question.  

McChrystal’s strategy --  derived to meet the goals President Obama has set 
-- will require many  years, perhaps decades, of U.S. forces deployed in 
Afghanistan to fight  the Taliban.  It is the wrong strategy not because we 
should abandon  Afghanistan to the Taliban, but because it is another 
adventure in  nation-building which leaves us on the strategic defensive 
fighting 
only  the surrogates of the principal enemy, the nations that sponsor  
terrorism.

But having answered Obama’s question to the best of  their ability, they 
will be -- if Obama denies them the strategy changes  and troop increases they 
need to do the job he’s defined for them -- in  precisely the same 
situation Fogelman was when he determined that he had  lost the confidence and 
respect of the leaders they are supposed to  follow.

Will Fogelman or Harold Johnson be the model that Petraeus  and McChrystal 
follow?  

Ronald Fogelman set a very high  standard every American general should 
meet.  I have no reason to  expect that either McChrystal or Petraeus will fail 
in  that.

Cartoon by Brett Noel.


Mr. Babbin is the editor of Human Events and  HumanEvents.com. He served as 
a deputy undersecretary of defense in  President George H.W. Bush's 
administration. He is the author of "_In the Words of our Enemies_ 
(http://www.hebookservice.com/products/BookPage.asp?prod_cd=c7080) 
"(Regnery,2007) and  
(with Edward Timperlake) of "_Showdown: Why China Wants War with the United  
States_ (http://www.hebookservice.com/products/BookPage.asp?prod_cd=c6926) " 
(Regnery, 2006) and "_Inside the Asylum: Why the UN and Old Europe are Worse  
than You Think_ 
(http://www.hebookservice.com/products/BookPage.asp?prod_cd=c6506) " (Regnery, 
2004). E-mail him at [email protected]_ 
(mailto:[email protected]) . 
_Advertise_ (http://www.eagleinteractive.com/)  | _Privacy  Policy_ 
(http://www.humanevents.com/privacy.php)  | _Terms and  Conditions_ 
(http://www.humanevents.com/terms.php)  
Copyright © 2009 HUMAN EVENTS. All Rights  Reserved. 
 
(http://ads.he.valueclick.net/redirect?banner=a0000000&host=h0005565&size=107x53&t=js&c=00&target_id=0&dart_timestamp=1254767987.9081301)
  

_______________________________________________
Centroids mailing list: [email protected]
http://radicalcentrism.com/mailman/listinfo/centroids_radicalcentrism.com
Archives at http://radicalcentrism.org/pipermail/centroids_radicalcentrism.com/

Reply via email to