> Sam wrote:
> http://www.frontpagemagazine.com/Articles/ReadArticle.asp?ID=17686
> 

There's been a saying recently: The Democrats lost control because
people thought that big government didn't work; the Republicans came
to power and proved it.

Put another way, the Republicans have become everything they always
complained about: big gov't, big spenders more concerned about
bleeding heart uses for your tax dollars than the constitution (gay
marriage, Schiavo).

On that note, I think this Wall Street Journal editorial has the
analysis of Mr. Delay dead on:

Smells Like Beltway
The Wall Street Journal Editorial Page
March 28, 2005; Page A16

By now you have surely read about House Majority Leader Tom DeLay's
ethics troubles. Probably, too, you aren't entirely clear as to what
those troubles are -- something to do with questionable junkets,
Indian casino money, funny business on the House Ethics Committee,
stuff down in Texas. In Beltway-speak, what this means is that Mr.
DeLay has an "odor": nothing too incriminating, nothing actually
criminal, just an unsavory whiff that could have GOP loyalists
reaching for the political Glade if it gets any worse.

The Beltway wisdom is right. Mr. DeLay does have odor issues.
Increasingly, he smells just like the Beltway itself.

Here is the abbreviated rap sheet against Mr. DeLay. First, we have
the imbroglio with the House Ethics Committee, which last year rebuked
him on three occasions. Among his sins: He offered to endorse outgoing
Representative Nick Smith's son in a GOP primary if Mr. Smith would
vote "yes" on the Medicare prescription-drug bill. (Mr. Smith declined
the offer; his son lost the primary.) Mr. DeLay has since changed
Committee rules so that it can no longer launch investigations on a
party-line basis, and by packing the Committee with loyalists.
[Tom DeLay]

Next, there is the Texas business. Ronnie Earle, the district attorney
for Travis County (which contains Austin), last year indicted three
DeLay associates involved in his Texans for a Republican Majority
political action committee for money laundering and illegal campaign
contributions. Mr. Earle also will not rule out a possible indictment
of Mr. DeLay himself.

Mr. Earle, a partisan Democrat, has a record of making suspect
accusations: In 1993, he indicted newly elected Senator Kay Bailey
Hutchison on evidence so weak the case was never brought to trial. The
indictments of Mr. DeLay's associates came just six weeks before
November's elections; Mr. Earle's primary aim, it seemed, was to
derail Mr. DeLay's ultimately successful efforts to achieve the first
Republican majority in the Texas delegation to the U.S. House since
Reconstruction. Still, the "odor" stuck; last year Mr. DeLay had to
fend off a stiff challenge from a complete unknown to keep what
otherwise would have been his safe seat.

Finally, there are the junkets, three in particular. In December 1997,
Mr. DeLay visited the Northern Marianas Islands in the company of
lobbyist pal Jack Abramoff, now under investigation by the Senate
Finance Committee, who just happened to be representing the garment
industry there. Mr. DeLay later led a legislative effort to extend the
Islands' exemption from U.S. immigration and labor laws.

In May 2000, Messrs. DeLay and Abramoff took a $70,000 trip to the
U.K. (including a golf outing to the St. Andrews course in Scotland)
in the company of two House colleagues and some staff and spouses.
Depending on which account you believe, Mr. DeLay's expenses were
picked up either by an outfit called the National Center for Public
Policy Research, on whose board Mr. Abramoff then sat, or by Mr.
Abramoff directly, who later charged the trip to his clients, the
gambling Mississippi Choctaw nation. Under House rules, members are
not allowed to have their travel expenses covered by a lobbyist.

In August 2001, Mr. DeLay and several House colleagues (including four
Democrats) visited South Korea on a trip sponsored by the Korea-United
States Exchange Council, which has close ties to former DeLay staff
chief Ed Buckham and was registered as foreign agent just days before
the trip. House rules forbid members from traveling at their expense,
but it is unclear whether Mr. DeLay or his colleagues were aware of
the Korean Exchange Council's status at the time of their departure.

Taken separately, and on present evidence, none of the latest charges
directly touch Mr. DeLay; at worst, they paint a picture of a man who
makes enemies by playing political hardball and loses admirers by
resorting to politics-as-usual.

The problem, rather, is that Mr. DeLay, who rode to power in 1994 on a
wave of revulsion at the everyday ways of big government, has become
the living exemplar of some of its worst habits. Mr. DeLay's ties to
Mr. Abramoff might be innocent, in a strictly legal sense, but it
strains credulity to believe that Mr. DeLay found nothing strange with
being included in Mr. Abramoff's lavish junkets.

Nor does it seem very plausible that Mr. DeLay never considered the
possibility that the mega-lucrative careers his former staffers
Michael Scanlon and Mr. Buckham achieved after leaving his office had
something to do with their perceived proximity to him. These people
became rich as influence-peddlers in a government in which legislators
like Mr. DeLay could make or break fortunes by tinkering with obscure
rules and dispensing scads of money to this or that constituency.
Rather than buck this system as he promised to do while in the
minority, Mr. DeLay has become its undisputed and unapologetic master
as Majority Leader.

Whether Mr. DeLay violated the small print of House Ethics or
campaign-finance rules is thus largely beside the point. His real
fault lies in betraying the broader set of principles that brought him
into office, and which, if he continues as before, sooner or later
will sweep him out.

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